Gapping: A Movement Plus Ellipsis Analysis
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Gapping and its related constructions have been defying a satisfactoryanalysis. Especially, scope relations and the very nature of coordinationin Gapping have been challenging to a successful formulation of clausestructure. Recently, Kim (2013) proposes an analysis of Gapping inKorean based on multidominance phrase structure. In this article, wewill show a fundamental conceptual problem and some empiricalpotential problems with this analysis. As an alternative, we will supporta Johnson-style analysis based on the ATP movement plus VP ellipsisfor both English and Korean Gapping, which involves low VPcoordination.
Abstract
Gapping and its related constructions have been defying a satisfactoryanalysis. Especially, scope relations and the very nature of coordinationin Gapping have been challenging to a successful formulation of clausestructure. Recently, Kim (2013) proposes an analysis of Gapping inKorean based on multidominance phrase structure. In this article, wewill show a fundamental conceptual problem and some empiricalpotential problems with this analysis. As an alternative, we will supporta Johnson-style analysis based on the ATP movement plus VP ellipsisfor both English and Korean Gapping, which involves low VPcoordination.
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