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On the Reparability of Island Violations

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This paper is an attempt to explain the reparability of island violations regarding the generalization that while violations of an island condition can be repaired by ellipsis in sluicing, but not in fragment answers (Merchant 2004). This paper discusses the validity of the generalization pointing to counterexamples: Sometimes sluicing does not repair island violations, while other times fragments do repair island violations. This paper looks for a solution to the confusing situation by dynamically defining phases along the track of den Dikken (2006, 2007), Bošković (2012, 2014, among others), and Kim (2013, 2014). It is also argued that the phase-based solution is better, in that it is derived from deeper linguistic principles, than other solutions that rely on semantic requirements (Barros et al. 2014 and Griffiths and Lipták 2014). This is not a simple solution which manipulates the size of ellipsis but a solution based on a better and more concrete generalization in terms of contrastivity under the dynamic definition of phases. This solution would shed light on the analysis of LBC violations which partly resist reparability dichotomy.

Abstract

This paper is an attempt to explain the reparability of island violations regarding the generalization that while violations of an island condition can be repaired by ellipsis in sluicing, but not in fragment answers (Merchant 2004). This paper discusses the validity of the generalization pointing to counterexamples: Sometimes sluicing does not repair island violations, while other times fragments do repair island violations. This paper looks for a solution to the confusing situation by dynamically defining phases along the track of den Dikken (2006, 2007), Bošković (2012, 2014, among others), and Kim (2013, 2014). It is also argued that the phase-based solution is better, in that it is derived from deeper linguistic principles, than other solutions that rely on semantic requirements (Barros et al. 2014 and Griffiths and Lipták 2014). This is not a simple solution which manipulates the size of ellipsis but a solution based on a better and more concrete generalization in terms of contrastivity under the dynamic definition of phases. This solution would shed light on the analysis of LBC violations which partly resist reparability dichotomy.

참고문헌 (25)

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  12. Griffiths, James, "Contrast and island sensitivity in clausal ellipsis", Syntax, 17, pp.89~234 (2014)
  13. Grohmann, Kleanthes K., "Prolific domains: On the anti-Locality of movement dependencies" (2003), John Benjamins
  14. 김선웅, "Specificity Condition Revisited", 생성문법연구, 23(3), pp.373~389 (2013), 한국생성문법학회
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  16. Lasnik, Howard, "How to evade moving violations, Handout given in LSA 2008", ~ (2005)
  17. Lasnik, Howard, "A reconsideration of island repair by deletion", Leiden University, ~ (2012)
  18. Lasnik, Howard, "Multiple Sluicing in English?", Syntax, 17, pp.1~20
  19. Law, Paul, "The Blackwell companion to syntax, Vol III", pp.631~684 (2006), Blackwell Publishing
  20. Merchant, Jason, "The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis" (2001), Oxford University Press
  21. Merchant, Jason, "Fragments and ellipsis", Linguistics and Philosophy, 27, pp.661~738 (2004)
  22. Merchant, Jason, "Topics in ellipsis", pp.132~153 (2008), Cambridge University Press
  23. Rottman, Issac, "Sluicing, Idioms, and Island Repair", Linguistic Inquiry, 44, pp.651~668 (2013)
  24. Thoms, Gary, "Syntactic identity, parallelism and accommodated antecedents", 석사, pp.2014
  25. Wei, Ting-Chi, "Island repair effects of the left branch condition in Mandarin Chinese", Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 20, pp.255~289 (2011)

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