Two Challenges to the Cyclic Linearization Account of Fragmental Left Elements
2
조회
0
다운로드
0
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Prenominal modifiers (PMs) in Korean can survive as fragments, seemingly violating the Left Branch Condition (LBC, Ross 1967). Ahn and Cho (2017a, b, 2019, 2020) argue that fragmental PMs do not induce an LBC violation as they are derived from a copular construction: N-to-copula incorporation nullifies the NP’s islandhood due to Baker’s (1988) government transparency corollary. Nevertheless, a PM extraction is banned in non-elliptical copular sentences. This restriction is attributed in Ahn and Cho (2020) to Fox and Pesetsky’s (2005) Cyclic Linearization (CL) coupled with Grohmann’s (2002) Anti-locality. This squib examines the theoretical validity of Ahn and Cho’s CL-based account. It will be shown that, despite some theoretical attractiveness, their account faces two non-trivial challenges: (i) Anti-locality unequally applies (copular vs. non-copular predicates); and (ii) ill-formed results are not filtered out by the CL when the subject is suppressed.
Abstract
Prenominal modifiers (PMs) in Korean can survive as fragments, seemingly violating the Left Branch Condition (LBC, Ross 1967). Ahn and Cho (2017a, b, 2019, 2020) argue that fragmental PMs do not induce an LBC violation as they are derived from a copular construction: N-to-copula incorporation nullifies the NP’s islandhood due to Baker’s (1988) government transparency corollary. Nevertheless, a PM extraction is banned in non-elliptical copular sentences. This restriction is attributed in Ahn and Cho (2020) to Fox and Pesetsky’s (2005) Cyclic Linearization (CL) coupled with Grohmann’s (2002) Anti-locality. This squib examines the theoretical validity of Ahn and Cho’s CL-based account. It will be shown that, despite some theoretical attractiveness, their account faces two non-trivial challenges: (i) Anti-locality unequally applies (copular vs. non-copular predicates); and (ii) ill-formed results are not filtered out by the CL when the subject is suppressed.
참고문헌 (18)
- 안희돈, "A Bi-clausal Analysis of Multiple Fragments", 생성문법연구, 27(1), pp.197~220 (2017), 한국생성문법학회[DOI]
- 안희돈, "A hybrid ellipsis analysis of two types of fragments in Korean", 언어연구, 34(3), pp.311~359 (2017), 언어정보연구소[DOI]
- 안희돈, "Notes on Bi-clausal Analysis of Multiple Fragments: A Reply to Chung (2019)", 생성문법연구, 29(3), pp.571~590 (2019), 한국생성문법학회[DOI]
- 안희돈, "On an Apparent Violation of the Left Branch Condition", 생성문법연구, 30(1), pp.155~174 (2020), 한국생성문법학회[DOI]
- Baker, Mark, "Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Changing" (1988), University of Chicago Press
- Barros, Matthew, "More variation in island repair: clausal vs. non-clausal islands", Paper presented at CLS, 49 (2013)
- Barros, Matthew, "Sluicing and identity in ellipsis", Doctor, pp.2014
- 정대호, "Some Notes on Ahn and Cho‘s (2017a, b, c) Approach to Fragment Answers in Korean", 생성문법연구, 29(2), pp.259~278 (2019), 한국생성문법학회[DOI]
- Fox, Danny, "Cyclic linearization of syntactic structure", Theoretical linguistics, 31, pp.1~46 (2005)
- Grohmann, K. Kleanthes, "Anti-locality and clause types", Theoretical Linguistics, 28, pp.43~72 (2002)
- Ko, Heejeong, "Cyclic linearization and asymmetry in scrambling", Paper presented at the Linguistic Society of America the 78th Annual Meeting (2004)
- Ko, Heejeong, "Predication and edge effects", Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 29, pp.725~778 (2011)
- Ko, Heejeong, "Edges in Syntax: Scrambling and Cyclic Linearization" (2014), Oxford University Press
- Merchant, Jason, "The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, Islands, and the Theory of Ellipsis" (2001), Oxford University Press
- Merchant, Jason, "Fragments and ellipsis", Linguistics and Philosophy, 27, pp.661~738 (2004)
- Park, Bum-Sik, "Locality and identity in ellipsis", Doctor, pp.2005
- 박범식, "Multiple fragment answers in Korean", 언어연구, 30(3), pp.453~472 (2013), 언어정보연구소[DOI]
- Ross, John, "Constraints on variables in syntax", Doctor, pp.1967