체언 끝의 변화 ㄷ > ㅅ에 대한 새로운 해석

Abstract

Modern. Korean underwent the noun-final change t＞ s before particles beginning with vowel: for example, .put-ir＞pus-ir `brush+object marker.` This change has been explained as a sound change. However, we can hardly acknowledge the phonetic motivation for this change; as the intervocalic sound change t＞ s is not generaliy expected and the nonpho* netie conditioning of the change is not uiderstandable. this change is best understood as an example of analogical change. It is thus explained as the result of extension to the original t-final nouns of the s∼t alternation resulting from the syllable-final change (이미지 처리). In other words, the forms with t were analyzed as basic,. and this alternation was reinterpreted as t →s in the synchronic grammar. This reinterpretation was probably motivated by the fact that in Korean nouns can stand isolated without any suffix or particle and therefore the isolation forms are liable to be recognized as basic or underlying. Now, we can speak of` the so-called rule inversion for this change. there emerged a rule that shifts underlying /t/ to [s] before particles beginning with vowel: t→s/______]_(noun particle)[V. The reality Of this inverted rule is evidenced by such phenomena as /aut/→[ausin] `out(Eaglsh borrowing)+particle`, and /kot/→[kosin] `soon(adverb)+particle`, etc. The noun-final change t^h, t, t^h＞ s is, not a sound change, either. This change can be accounted for as being the result of restructuring of these coronal obstruents into /t/ and application of the above inverted rule. In this case, the restructuring is also the result of the isolation forms being construed as underlying. To conclude, the noun-final change t, t^h, t, t^h＞ s cannot be explained as a phonetically motivated one, and should be interpreted as a rule change.