증거성과 인칭의 상호작용
Interactions of Evidentiality and Person
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This paper analyzes interactions of person and evidentiality. While direct evidentials are usually used to describe events of the speaker, rarely are indirect ones. Indirect evidentials can be used with first person participants when the speaker lacks awareness, intention or control of the situation, the so-called 'first person effect'. There are, however, direct evidentials which behave like indirect evidentials in terms of its relation with person. Korean and Amdo-Tibetan direct evidential are not allowed to describe the speaker’s events. Further, they display ‘first person effect’-like phenomenon. They are allowed with first person participants to describe unconcious, unintentional, or uncontrolled situations. Observing such differences among direct evidentials across languages, this paper proposes to divide them into three subtypes depending on their referential scope: comprehensive, periphery-oriented, center-oriented. The comprehensive direct evidential, typologically the most common type among the three, includes not only the deictic center (origo, the speaker) but also the outside, hence there is no subject restriction on it. The periphery-oriented direct evidential, found in Korean and Amdo-Tibetan, does not include the deictic center within its scope and is not used to describe first person events. The center-oriented direct evidentials, found in Kashaya and Central Pomo, only have the deictic center within its scope. This paper also argues that ‘first person effect’ is a kind of deictic projection. Indirect evidentials are allowed to describe first person events in a situation that the speaker is moved from the position of ‘deictic center’ to the outside, when the speaker lacks awareness, intention or control of the situation. Periphery-oriented direct evidentials, which have the same referential scope of indirect evidentials, also show first person effect in the same situations.
Abstract
This paper analyzes interactions of person and evidentiality. While direct evidentials are usually used to describe events of the speaker, rarely are indirect ones. Indirect evidentials can be used with first person participants when the speaker lacks awareness, intention or control of the situation, the so-called 'first person effect'. There are, however, direct evidentials which behave like indirect evidentials in terms of its relation with person. Korean and Amdo-Tibetan direct evidential are not allowed to describe the speaker’s events. Further, they display ‘first person effect’-like phenomenon. They are allowed with first person participants to describe unconcious, unintentional, or uncontrolled situations. Observing such differences among direct evidentials across languages, this paper proposes to divide them into three subtypes depending on their referential scope: comprehensive, periphery-oriented, center-oriented. The comprehensive direct evidential, typologically the most common type among the three, includes not only the deictic center (origo, the speaker) but also the outside, hence there is no subject restriction on it. The periphery-oriented direct evidential, found in Korean and Amdo-Tibetan, does not include the deictic center within its scope and is not used to describe first person events. The center-oriented direct evidentials, found in Kashaya and Central Pomo, only have the deictic center within its scope. This paper also argues that ‘first person effect’ is a kind of deictic projection. Indirect evidentials are allowed to describe first person events in a situation that the speaker is moved from the position of ‘deictic center’ to the outside, when the speaker lacks awareness, intention or control of the situation. Periphery-oriented direct evidentials, which have the same referential scope of indirect evidentials, also show first person effect in the same situations.
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