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Some Remarks on NPI Licensing

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In this paper, I argue that NPI licensing takes place in overt syntax in both Korean and English, maintaining a clausemate condition. For English, I suggest Neg-raising, which applies in a certain r251ange of examples that exhibit apparent long distance licensing; some existing analyses for Korean turn out to be inadequate through critical review. One crucial fact that I introduce for my argument is that the otherwise unlicensed NPI in Korean can be strikingly licensed if it is heavily stressed. This fact dictates the in situ heavy-stressed NPI to actually undergo invisible overt focus movement, called 'hidden Scrambling,' for Neg-feature to be checked in the extended domain. I note that this invisible movement can well be implemented within the copy theory of movement in the recent minimalist framework: the raised higher copy is deleted at PF and the lower copy survives in order to hold the phonological information imposed on it. Thus, the copy theory of movement expands its domain by realizing a logically possible higher copy deletion. I explore another theoretical implication: the results of the discussion lead to support for one particular grammatical model developed in the recent minimalist framework: Numeration => LF => PF, where all movement takes place before LF.

Abstract

In this paper, I argue that NPI licensing takes place in overt syntax in both Korean and English, maintaining a clausemate condition. For English, I suggest Neg-raising, which applies in a certain r251ange of examples that exhibit apparent long distance licensing; some existing analyses for Korean turn out to be inadequate through critical review. One crucial fact that I introduce for my argument is that the otherwise unlicensed NPI in Korean can be strikingly licensed if it is heavily stressed. This fact dictates the in situ heavy-stressed NPI to actually undergo invisible overt focus movement, called 'hidden Scrambling,' for Neg-feature to be checked in the extended domain. I note that this invisible movement can well be implemented within the copy theory of movement in the recent minimalist framework: the raised higher copy is deleted at PF and the lower copy survives in order to hold the phonological information imposed on it. Thus, the copy theory of movement expands its domain by realizing a logically possible higher copy deletion. I explore another theoretical implication: the results of the discussion lead to support for one particular grammatical model developed in the recent minimalist framework: Numeration => LF => PF, where all movement takes place before LF.

참고문헌 (46)

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