A Minimalist Account of Case Marking in Korean Long Form Negation Constructions
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초록
This study provides a theoretical account for the distributive patterns of case markers attached to the nominalizer -ci in Korean long-form negation (LFN) along the lines of the minimalist program. In LFN, the nominalized phrase headed by -ci may optionally take a case that functions as an emphatic marker. It can be either the accusative case (ACC) or the nominative case (NOM) when the verb is unaccusative or passive, whereas it cannot but be ACC when the verb is unergative or transitive. I argue that the negation verb, anh, bears an empty θ-grid that must be specified by a content verb via Agree, so whether its θ-grid extends to v is determined by the main verb. It is suggested that case marking in LFN involves feature checking by Negv and INFL, with the value depending on the assigner: ACC by Negv and NOM by INFL. Applying the Phase Impenetrability Condition and the related notions such as φ-completeness and Phase strength, I submit that the variability in question arises because NPs that are eligible to Agree with the EPP feature of Negv differ by construction.
Abstract
This study provides a theoretical account for the distributive patterns of case markers attached to the nominalizer -ci in Korean long-form negation (LFN) along the lines of the minimalist program. In LFN, the nominalized phrase headed by -ci may optionally take a case that functions as an emphatic marker. It can be either the accusative case (ACC) or the nominative case (NOM) when the verb is unaccusative or passive, whereas it cannot but be ACC when the verb is unergative or transitive. I argue that the negation verb, anh, bears an empty θ-grid that must be specified by a content verb via Agree, so whether its θ-grid extends to v is determined by the main verb. It is suggested that case marking in LFN involves feature checking by Negv and INFL, with the value depending on the assigner: ACC by Negv and NOM by INFL. Applying the Phase Impenetrability Condition and the related notions such as φ-completeness and Phase strength, I submit that the variability in question arises because NPs that are eligible to Agree with the EPP feature of Negv differ by construction.
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