Learning bias of phonological alternation in children learning English
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The present study aims to test the hypothesis in McCarthy (1998) and Hayes (2004) that output-to-output faithfulness constraints are highly ranked a priori which leads children to initially favor non-alternating forms but to eventually produce alternating forms as adults do. Using spontaneous speech data of six mother-child dyads (Demuth et al. 2006), I examined how word-medial /t/ and /d/ in the flapping environment were realized in suffixed words such as eating (base: eat) and hiding (base: hide). The results show that children indeed produced suffixed words with variants that are faithful to the corresponding segment in the base (e.g., ea[t]ing and hi[d]ing), especially in earlier stages of learning. Such characteristic speech of children cannot be fully explained by the influence of the input data that they receive from their caregivers. Thus, I conclude that children’s production of variants that are phonologically similar to the base is due to highly ranked output-to-output faithfulness constraints at the initial state of learning. Based on a set of OT constraints, the children’s grammar is modeled with maximum entropy grammar (Goldwater and Johnson 2003).
Abstract
The present study aims to test the hypothesis in McCarthy (1998) and Hayes (2004) that output-to-output faithfulness constraints are highly ranked a priori which leads children to initially favor non-alternating forms but to eventually produce alternating forms as adults do. Using spontaneous speech data of six mother-child dyads (Demuth et al. 2006), I examined how word-medial /t/ and /d/ in the flapping environment were realized in suffixed words such as eating (base: eat) and hiding (base: hide). The results show that children indeed produced suffixed words with variants that are faithful to the corresponding segment in the base (e.g., ea[t]ing and hi[d]ing), especially in earlier stages of learning. Such characteristic speech of children cannot be fully explained by the influence of the input data that they receive from their caregivers. Thus, I conclude that children’s production of variants that are phonologically similar to the base is due to highly ranked output-to-output faithfulness constraints at the initial state of learning. Based on a set of OT constraints, the children’s grammar is modeled with maximum entropy grammar (Goldwater and Johnson 2003).
참고문헌 (36)
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