On the Structure of Short Form Negation in Korean
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The main goal of this paper is to explain ambiguous properties the Korean short form negation (S-Neg) an in its categorial status. On the one hand, S-Neg behaves as a prefix attached to a verbal complex, in that nothing can intervene in between S-Neg and a verb, and S-Neg must be repeated along with a verb when verb reduplication applies. S-Neg, on the other, patterns with an independent maximal projection, in that it can be stranded when pseudogapping or `do so` substitution applies. To resolve the observed puzzle, adopting Chomsky`s (1995) bare phrase structure, I suggest that S-Neg in Korean, being non-branched, can be ambiguously analyzed as an X0 category or an XP category. In particular, regarding a structural position of S-Neg, the paper claims that it is base-generated in the specifier position of NegP, which is in between AgroP and VP, and undergoes clitic-like movement to a verbal complex at PF.
Abstract
The main goal of this paper is to explain ambiguous properties the Korean short form negation (S-Neg) an in its categorial status. On the one hand, S-Neg behaves as a prefix attached to a verbal complex, in that nothing can intervene in between S-Neg and a verb, and S-Neg must be repeated along with a verb when verb reduplication applies. S-Neg, on the other, patterns with an independent maximal projection, in that it can be stranded when pseudogapping or `do so` substitution applies. To resolve the observed puzzle, adopting Chomsky`s (1995) bare phrase structure, I suggest that S-Neg in Korean, being non-branched, can be ambiguously analyzed as an X0 category or an XP category. In particular, regarding a structural position of S-Neg, the paper claims that it is base-generated in the specifier position of NegP, which is in between AgroP and VP, and undergoes clitic-like movement to a verbal complex at PF.