Pseudo-root Imperatives and Speech Act Projections
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This paper aims to offer a syntactic account for how the clause type and illocutionary force of fragmentary imperatives (e.g., Tancang ttena-tolok. ‘Leave right away.’), which I call ‘pseudo-root imperatives,’ are determined, and why the attachment of the addressee-oriented honorific marker -yo is banned. Building on Hong’s (2018) view on clause typing markers, I argue that fragmentary imperatives are base-generated root clauses directly selected by the head of a Speech Act Phrase (SAP), and that their clause type and illocutionary force are indicated by the prosody under the head of SAP with different syntactico-pragmatic features depending on the context. I also suggest that the unavailability of the marker -yo is due to the mismatch between the honorific feature of the addressee and the status feature of the head of SAP (cf. Portner, Pak and Zanuttini 2019).
Abstract
This paper aims to offer a syntactic account for how the clause type and illocutionary force of fragmentary imperatives (e.g., Tancang ttena-tolok. ‘Leave right away.’), which I call ‘pseudo-root imperatives,’ are determined, and why the attachment of the addressee-oriented honorific marker -yo is banned. Building on Hong’s (2018) view on clause typing markers, I argue that fragmentary imperatives are base-generated root clauses directly selected by the head of a Speech Act Phrase (SAP), and that their clause type and illocutionary force are indicated by the prosody under the head of SAP with different syntactico-pragmatic features depending on the context. I also suggest that the unavailability of the marker -yo is due to the mismatch between the honorific feature of the addressee and the status feature of the head of SAP (cf. Portner, Pak and Zanuttini 2019).
참고문헌 (19)
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