생략접사
Missing Affixes
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다운로드
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참고문헌
초록
Abstract
It is usually known that Case markers are deletable, while Postpositions are not. It makes sense that Postpositions cannot be deleted, since they have their own inherent semantic contents. However, there is a context in which Postpositions must be elided--relative clauses. This paper explores the possibility of accounting for the seemingly contradictory phenomena by the strategy 'delete an offending constituent as a last resort'. This paper points out that we run into contradiction when PPs are relativized in Korean and Japanese, for Korean/Japanese Postpositions are affixes but Korean and Japanese have no overt relative pronoun. If the No Tempering Condition (NTC) were an unviolable constraint at the Syntax-PF interface, in Korean there would be no way to generate a sentence in which PP is relativized. Fortunately, the NTC is violable at the syntax-PF interface: deletion is available as 'a last resort'. The gist of the claim is that if a sentence is well-formed, P deletion must not take place, and if a sentence is ill-formed, P deletion may be used to save an otherwise ungrammatical sentence. I have claimed that en-deletion and V-deletion pattern like P deletion in that they must not be applied when the Stray Affix Constraint can be satisfied but they must be applied in a context where the Constraint cannot be satisfied.
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