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생략과 기생공백

Ellipsis and Parasitic Gap

김광섭
한국언어학회 (The Linguistic Society of Korea)|2006.12|언어 (Korean Journal of Linguistics)|제31권 제4호|pp. 547-566

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참고문헌

주제분류언어학

초록

Abstract

Kim, Kwang-sup. 2006. Ellipsis and Parasitic Gap. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 31-4, 547-566. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the parasitic gap is not a product of movement but that of deletion. An important diagnostic for movement is a reconstruction effect. Every instance of movement, including A-movement and even a null operator movement, displays a reconstruction effect with respect to the Binding Condition A. Interestingly, the parasitic gap construction does not show reconstruction effects at all, which is the pattern displayed by the ellipsis construction. The anti-reconstruction effect is not the only property shared by the two types of constructions. For instance, both constructions are subject to the 'anti-c-command' condition. The main claim made in this paper is that the parasitic gap is generated when the wh-phrase inside an island is deleted under identity with the one in the main clause. This claim is based on the fact that the wh-phrase inside an island and the one in the main clause may have the identical interpretation, since the wh-operator may unselectively bind other wh-phrases, and the restriction of the two wh-phrases may be given a co-index when they do not c-command each other. This paper shows that this claim enables us to explain many peculiarities of the parasitic gap construction including anti-reconstruction effects, the anti c-command requirement, and the fact that only overt A'-movement, not A-movement or QR, produces a parasitic gap. (Hankuk University of Foreign Studies)

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