On Scrambling and Reconstruction
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This paper aims to solve scope and binding puzzles related to clause-internal and external scrambling in Korean. In order to do this, we focus on the nature of movement which does not seem to be one unitary homogeneous operation. Following Ahn and Cho(2010), we propose that source of scope ambiguity hinges on two possible derivations: Scrambled phrases are derived either via Focus-movement or Adjunction. “Adjuncted” scrambled phrase must obligatorily undergo reconstruction, and is interpreted in situ for scope at LF. Focused QP, in contrast, remains in Spec-C at LF since it undergoes scope-taking movement. We also suggest that binding puzzles are resolved if we examine the derivational history of moved elements. Assuming that binding condition applies throughout the derivation, we resolve binding puzzles related to clause-internal/external scrambling.
Abstract
This paper aims to solve scope and binding puzzles related to clause-internal and external scrambling in Korean. In order to do this, we focus on the nature of movement which does not seem to be one unitary homogeneous operation. Following Ahn and Cho(2010), we propose that source of scope ambiguity hinges on two possible derivations: Scrambled phrases are derived either via Focus-movement or Adjunction. “Adjuncted” scrambled phrase must obligatorily undergo reconstruction, and is interpreted in situ for scope at LF. Focused QP, in contrast, remains in Spec-C at LF since it undergoes scope-taking movement. We also suggest that binding puzzles are resolved if we examine the derivational history of moved elements. Assuming that binding condition applies throughout the derivation, we resolve binding puzzles related to clause-internal/external scrambling.
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