Beyond In-Situ: Exploring Movement in Why-stripping
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This paper is concerned with the structure of why-stripping constructions in Korean and English. Two competing analyses have been proposed in the literature: the focus-movement analysis, which argues that why-stripping involves the movement of the focused phrase, escaping the TP-ellipsis (Weir, 2014; Yoshida et al., 2015). However, a recent alternative analysis proposed by Ha (2022), building on Abe's (2015) in-situ analysis on sluicing, suggests that the focused phrase in why-stripping construction remains in-situ within the TP-ellipsis. Thus, the primary contention revolves around whether why-stripping involves the movement of the focused phrases. In this paper, we present several pieces of evidence supporting the movement analysis. The evidence includes the absence of idiomatic readings, NPI licensing conditions, and other locality constraints on movement. We take these observations as the empirical support for the movement analysis in both languages.
Abstract
This paper is concerned with the structure of why-stripping constructions in Korean and English. Two competing analyses have been proposed in the literature: the focus-movement analysis, which argues that why-stripping involves the movement of the focused phrase, escaping the TP-ellipsis (Weir, 2014; Yoshida et al., 2015). However, a recent alternative analysis proposed by Ha (2022), building on Abe's (2015) in-situ analysis on sluicing, suggests that the focused phrase in why-stripping construction remains in-situ within the TP-ellipsis. Thus, the primary contention revolves around whether why-stripping involves the movement of the focused phrases. In this paper, we present several pieces of evidence supporting the movement analysis. The evidence includes the absence of idiomatic readings, NPI licensing conditions, and other locality constraints on movement. We take these observations as the empirical support for the movement analysis in both languages.
참고문헌 (28)
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