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The In-situ Analysis of Why-stripping

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In this paper, I argue that why-stripping is better explained under the in-situ analysis of ellipsis. The previous focus-movement approach (Yoshida, Nakao, and Ortega-Santos 2015) demonstrates interesting distributions that differ from other ellipsis phenomena, such as sluicing, fragment answers and stripping, and suggests that why be externally merged to SpecIntP and a focus phrase move to SpecFocP escaping out of TP-deletion. Although the focus-movement analysis covers a good amount of empirical phenomena for why-stripping, I will demonstrate that it still faces both theoretical and empirical challenges, including some focus remnants unable to undergo focus movement, obligatory clausal deletion, and availability of island repair. I propose an alternative analysis, dubbed an in-situ approach, where a focused constituent remains overt in the ellipsis site, but its feature undergoes movement to the left-periphery. I argue that the current approach offers wider coverage of why-stripping phenomena and resolves challenges posed to the previous focus-movement approach.

Abstract

In this paper, I argue that why-stripping is better explained under the in-situ analysis of ellipsis. The previous focus-movement approach (Yoshida, Nakao, and Ortega-Santos 2015) demonstrates interesting distributions that differ from other ellipsis phenomena, such as sluicing, fragment answers and stripping, and suggests that why be externally merged to SpecIntP and a focus phrase move to SpecFocP escaping out of TP-deletion. Although the focus-movement analysis covers a good amount of empirical phenomena for why-stripping, I will demonstrate that it still faces both theoretical and empirical challenges, including some focus remnants unable to undergo focus movement, obligatory clausal deletion, and availability of island repair. I propose an alternative analysis, dubbed an in-situ approach, where a focused constituent remains overt in the ellipsis site, but its feature undergoes movement to the left-periphery. I argue that the current approach offers wider coverage of why-stripping phenomena and resolves challenges posed to the previous focus-movement approach.

참고문헌 (25)

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  14. Ortega-Santos, Iván, "On ellipsis structures involving a wh-remnant and a non-wh-remnant simultaneously", Lingua, 138, pp.55~85 (2014)
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  23. Takahashi, Shoichi, "Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 15", pp.223~240 (2005), Cascadilla
  24. Yoshida, Masaya, "The syntax of why-stripping", Natual Language and Linguistic Theory, 33, pp.323~370 (2015)
  25. Weir, Andrew, "Fragments and clausal ellipsis", Doctor, pp.2014

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