Prosodic Reduplication in Yorùbá
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Yoruba is considered by Haspelmath & Sims (2010) to be an analytic language with very little affixation. However, they seem to ignore the widespread use of reduplication found in the language. The phenomenon of reduplication has been examined in Yorùbá as productive process of word formation (Pulleyblank 2009). In this view, this paper examines the prosodic template in Yorùbá focusing specifically on Yorùbá adverbial reduplicated forms and other forms. Previous studies on prosodic analysis of reduplication in Yoruba have focused on agentive forms, any-forms, distributive and gerundive forms (Orie & Pulleyblank 2002, Pulleyblank 2009). However, no previous studies focused on the adverbial where I have observed some reduplicative patterns. In this paper, data on adverbials are examined and compared with other reduplicative forms. The discussion, which is framed within the optimality-theoretic framework, reveals that the base is required to be bimoraic (foot or syllable) for reduplication to take place since monomoraic forms do not reduplicate. I argue that while the basic constraint hierarchy for Yoruba prosodic reduplication can be presented as IDENT BR, RED = STEM, NO HIATUS >> MAX-IO, other constraints ranking (as discussed in the paper) may be triggered by other processes occurring within the reduplication.
Abstract
Yoruba is considered by Haspelmath & Sims (2010) to be an analytic language with very little affixation. However, they seem to ignore the widespread use of reduplication found in the language. The phenomenon of reduplication has been examined in Yorùbá as productive process of word formation (Pulleyblank 2009). In this view, this paper examines the prosodic template in Yorùbá focusing specifically on Yorùbá adverbial reduplicated forms and other forms. Previous studies on prosodic analysis of reduplication in Yoruba have focused on agentive forms, any-forms, distributive and gerundive forms (Orie & Pulleyblank 2002, Pulleyblank 2009). However, no previous studies focused on the adverbial where I have observed some reduplicative patterns. In this paper, data on adverbials are examined and compared with other reduplicative forms. The discussion, which is framed within the optimality-theoretic framework, reveals that the base is required to be bimoraic (foot or syllable) for reduplication to take place since monomoraic forms do not reduplicate. I argue that while the basic constraint hierarchy for Yoruba prosodic reduplication can be presented as IDENT BR, RED = STEM, NO HIATUS >> MAX-IO, other constraints ranking (as discussed in the paper) may be triggered by other processes occurring within the reduplication.
참고문헌 (16)
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