본문 바로가기
KERD
논문KCI 등재

고려의 對後唐 외교와 신라 — ‘尊王論’의 전개와 관련하여 —

Goryeo’s Diplomacy with Hudang(後唐), and Its Position toward Shilla — Maintaining an Attitude of ‘Honoring the Legitimate Kingdom(尊王論)’ —

0

조회

0

다운로드

8

인용

0

참고문헌

키워드

주제분류역사학

초록

Examined in this article is the Goryeo government’s policy in dealing with Chinese Hudang(後唐), based upon a recent study which revealed that an early Goryeo individual formerly known as the “Gangju prefect [知康州事, in this case, more like regent or ‘head’ than prefect] Wang Bong-gyu(王逢規),” which had been understood as some local leader operating in the Jinju region, was actually the Founder king of Goryeo, Taejo Wang Geon(王建) himself. The reason Wang Geon initiated diplomatic talks with China under the name of the ‘Leader of Gangju’ than the ‘Goryeo king’ was to display a certain level of respect for Shilla. He even referred to such notion and attitude as “honoring the legitimate kingdom and its king (‘Jon’wang-ron, 尊王論’).” This was of course to stabilize his(Wang Geon’s) own kingdom and absorb pro-Shilla elements into the Goryeo government. Wang Geon had his emissaries to China tag along the Shilla envoy, and the Hudang court as well considered Wang Geon’s emissary as part of the Shilla delegation. Yet later, when Shilla king Gyeong’ae(景哀王) was killed during Gyeon Hweon’s invasion of Gyeongju and Gyeongsun(敬順王) was subsequently enthroned as the new Shilla king, Wang Geon decided no longer to maintain this notion. After the battle of Gochang-gun(古昌郡), Goryeo was able to annex most of Shilla’s territory, and Wang Geon managed to reverse the nature of its relationship with the Shilla king (from being a vassal or subordinate to now newly a senior partner and superior) when he visited the Shilla capital as a victor. With development of this new dynamic inside the Korean peninsula, Goryeo finally received an entitlement from Hudang, and Wang Geon himself changed his name to “Geon(建, ‘found, erect, establish’),” in order to cut himself loose from the past when he was still a mere vassal of Shilla. This series of events provided Wang Geon with a much needed level of legitimacy which he direly required to become the new king of “Samhan(三韓, the Korean peninsula)”, and with this new authority Wang Geon annexed the rest of Shilla and dominated Hu-Baekje, ultimately achieving the reunification of the Korean peninsula.

Abstract

Examined in this article is the Goryeo government’s policy in dealing with Chinese Hudang(後唐), based upon a recent study which revealed that an early Goryeo individual formerly known as the “Gangju prefect [知康州事, in this case, more like regent or ‘head’ than prefect] Wang Bong-gyu(王逢規),” which had been understood as some local leader operating in the Jinju region, was actually the Founder king of Goryeo, Taejo Wang Geon(王建) himself. The reason Wang Geon initiated diplomatic talks with China under the name of the ‘Leader of Gangju’ than the ‘Goryeo king’ was to display a certain level of respect for Shilla. He even referred to such notion and attitude as “honoring the legitimate kingdom and its king (‘Jon’wang-ron, 尊王論’).” This was of course to stabilize his(Wang Geon’s) own kingdom and absorb pro-Shilla elements into the Goryeo government. Wang Geon had his emissaries to China tag along the Shilla envoy, and the Hudang court as well considered Wang Geon’s emissary as part of the Shilla delegation. Yet later, when Shilla king Gyeong’ae(景哀王) was killed during Gyeon Hweon’s invasion of Gyeongju and Gyeongsun(敬順王) was subsequently enthroned as the new Shilla king, Wang Geon decided no longer to maintain this notion. After the battle of Gochang-gun(古昌郡), Goryeo was able to annex most of Shilla’s territory, and Wang Geon managed to reverse the nature of its relationship with the Shilla king (from being a vassal or subordinate to now newly a senior partner and superior) when he visited the Shilla capital as a victor. With development of this new dynamic inside the Korean peninsula, Goryeo finally received an entitlement from Hudang, and Wang Geon himself changed his name to “Geon(建, ‘found, erect, establish’),” in order to cut himself loose from the past when he was still a mere vassal of Shilla. This series of events provided Wang Geon with a much needed level of legitimacy which he direly required to become the new king of “Samhan(三韓, the Korean peninsula)”, and with this new authority Wang Geon annexed the rest of Shilla and dominated Hu-Baekje, ultimately achieving the reunification of the Korean peninsula.

참고문헌 (56)

  1. "三國史記", ~
  2. "三國遺事", ~
  3. "高麗史", ~
  4. "高麗史節要", ~
  5. "東文選", ~
  6. "舊五代史", ~
  7. "新五代史", ~
  8. "五代會要", ~
  9. "冊府元龜", ~
  10. 한국역사연구회, "譯註羅末麗初金石文" (1996), 혜안
  11. 장동익, "高麗時代 對外關係史 年表" (2009), 동북아역사재단
  12. 장동익, "고려사세가초기편보유 1" (2014), 景仁文化社
  13. 高國抗, "중국사학사(하)" (1998), 풀빛
  14. 文暻鉉, "高麗太祖의 後三國統一硏究" (1987), 螢雪出版社
  15. 申虎澈, "後百濟甄萱政權硏究" (1993), 一潮閣
  16. 沈載錫, "高麗國王冊封硏究" (2002), 혜안
  17. 李基白, "高麗光宗硏究" (1981), 一潮閣
  18. 河炫綱, "韓國中世史硏究" (1988), 一潮閣
  19. 강봉룡, "後百濟 甄萱과 海洋勢力 - 王建과의 海洋爭覇를 중심으로 -", 역사교육, (83) (2002), 역사교육연구회
  20. 권덕영, "후백제와 견훤" (2000), 서경문화사
  21. 김갑동, "후삼국의 대중국 외교", 한국중세사연구, (49), pp.9~40 (2017), 한국중세사학회
  22. 金東晸, "五代十國의 韓半島諸國과의 관계와 그 인식", 中央史論, 12․13 (1999)
  23. 金庠基, "東方史論叢" (1974), 서울大學校出版部
  24. 金仁圭, "高麗太祖의 國家經營" (1996), 서울대학교출판부
  25. 金在滿, "五代와 後三國․高麗初期의 關係史", 大東文化硏究, 17 (1983)
  26. 김종섭, "五代의 高麗에 대한 인식", 이화사학연구, (33), pp.27~43 (2006), 이화사학연구소
  27. 盧明鎬, "高麗時代의 多元的 天下觀과 海東天子", 韓國史硏究, 105 (1999)
  28. 文秀鎭, "閔丙河停年紀念論叢" (1988), 閔丙河停年紀念論叢 간행위원회
  29. 박순교, "신라 ‘景哀王의 죽음’과 견훤・왕건의 攻防 -왕건・견훤의 서한을 중심으로-", 동아인문학, (37), pp.515~556 (2016), 동아인문학회
  30. 변동명, "後百濟의 海上活動과 對外關係", 한국고대사탐구, (19), pp.277~317 (2015), 한국고대사탐구학회[DOI]
  31. 安啓賢, "高麗前期의 對中關係 : 特히 佛敎를 中心하여", 東國史學, 1 (1958)
  32. 윤경진, "신라 景文王의 통합 정책과 皇龍寺九層木塔의 改建 ― 9세기 三韓一統意識의 확립과 관련하여 ―", 韓國史學報, (61), pp.453~490 (2015), 고려사학회
  33. 윤경진, "671년 「答薛仁貴書」의 ‘平壤已南 百濟土地’에 대한 재해석 : 백제의 영토의식과 浿河의 새로운 이해", 역사문화연구, (60), pp.3~54 (2016), 역사문화연구소[DOI]
  34. 윤경진, "고려의 三韓一統意識과 ‘開國’ 인식", 한국문화, (74), pp.335~375 (2016), 규장각한국학연구원[DOI]
  35. 윤경진, "고려 성종대 歷史繼承意識의 전개 양상", 한국문화, (77), pp.115~147 (2017), 규장각한국학연구원[DOI]
  36. 윤경진, "知康州事 王逢規와 高麗 太祖 王建", 역사와 실학, (66), pp.153~198 (2018), 역사실학회
  37. 李基東, "羅末麗初 南中國 여러 나라와의 交涉", 歷史學報, 155 (1997)
  38. 李基白, "高麗初期에 있어서의 五代와의 관계", 韓國文化硏究院論叢, 1 (1959)
  39. 이도학, "후삼국시대 전쟁 연구" (2015), 주류성
  40. 이도학, "後百濟와 高麗의 吳越國 交流 硏究와 爭點", 한국고대사탐구, (22), pp.267~295 (2016), 한국고대사탐구학회[DOI]
  41. 이도학, "後百濟와 吳越國 交流에서의 新知見", 백제문화, 1(53), pp.101~116 (2015), 백제문화연구소[DOI]
  42. 이진한, "高麗 太祖代 對中國 海上航路와 外交·貿易", 한국중세사연구, (33), pp.7~43 (2012), 한국중세사학회
  43. 이현모, "羅末麗初 晋州地域의 豪族과 그 動向", 歷史敎育論集, 30 (2003)
  44. 정선용, "高麗 太祖의 對新羅政策 樹立과 그 性格-신라 景明王과의 교섭 배경을 중심으로-", 한국중세사연구, (27), pp.123~163 (2009), 한국중세사학회
  45. 정선용, "高麗太祖의 對新羅同盟 체결과 그 운영- 新羅 景明王ㆍ景哀王과의 交涉을 중심으로", 한국고대사탐구, (3), pp.121~168 (2009), 한국고대사탐구학회[DOI]
  46. 정선용, "고려 태조의 改元政策과 그 성격", 동국사학, (52), pp.73~113 (2012), 동국역사문화연구소[DOI]
  47. 정선용, "고려 태조의 신라왕경 방문과 존왕론", 한국사상사학, (47), pp.99~136 (2014), 한국사상사학회
  48. 曺凡煥, "高麗 太祖 王建의 對新羅政策", 古文化, 55 (2000)
  49. 조법종, "후백제와 태봉관련 연구동향과 전망", 신라문화, (27), pp.187~203 (2006), 신라문화연구소
  50. 추명엽, "高麗時期 ‘海東’ 인식과 海東天下", 한국사연구, (129), pp.29~59 (2005), 한국사연구회
  51. 한정수, "고려 太祖代 대외 교섭과 外交儀禮", 한국사연구, (170), pp.137~175 (2015), 한국사연구회
  52. 한정수, "고려전기 異邦人‧歸化人의 입국과 해동천하", 한국중세사연구, (50), pp.113~155 (2017), 한국중세사학회
  53. 허인욱, "後百濟의 對중국 교류 연구", 사학연구, (122), pp.39~77 (2016), 한국사학회
  54. 허인욱, "고려 太祖代 對中 외교 연구", 한국중세사연구, (49), pp.41~71 (2017), 한국중세사학회
  55. 홍창우, "후고구려의 對중국 외교 관련 기록 검토", 한국중세사연구, (52), pp.143~175 (2018), 한국중세사학회[DOI]
  56. 日野開三郞, "日野開三郞東洋史學論集 : 北東アジア國際交流史の硏究(上)" (1984), 三一書房

관련 논문AI추천

이 간행물의 다른 논문 (11건)