A Sonority Constraint in Hausa
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I examined the relation of coda-onset clusters in intervocalic position in Hausa with phonetic and phonological evidence. The coda-onset clusters across the syllable boundary can be accounted for by a sonority constraint in Hausa. This account provides a better explanation than the phonation feature rule proposed by Newman (2000) and Jaggar (2001). Many exceptions for clusters exist for the phonation feature rule, but a sonority constraint rule has only four exceptional clusters -- ‘ry,rw,ny,nw'. And these four exceptional cases are treated as two separate phonemes, not singletons, in Hausa.
Abstract
I examined the relation of coda-onset clusters in intervocalic position in Hausa with phonetic and phonological evidence. The coda-onset clusters across the syllable boundary can be accounted for by a sonority constraint in Hausa. This account provides a better explanation than the phonation feature rule proposed by Newman (2000) and Jaggar (2001). Many exceptions for clusters exist for the phonation feature rule, but a sonority constraint rule has only four exceptional clusters -- ‘ry,rw,ny,nw'. And these four exceptional cases are treated as two separate phonemes, not singletons, in Hausa.
참고문헌 (14)
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