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The Acquisition of Korean Scalar Implicature of -to ‘even’

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초록

A scalar focus particle such as even makes speakers/addressees construct a mental model in which alternative sets are ordered on a scale (Karttunen 1979; Kay 1990; Konig 1991). Despite the active discussion on the pragmatic feature of scalar focus particles from theoretical perspectives, there has been little experimental investigation into children’s sensitivity to scalar implicature in sentences with them cross-linguistically (Ito 2007). Korean focus particle is known to derive scalar implicature as well as existential implicature. To catch a glimpse of Korean children’s pragmatic inferencing, this study attempts to explore how they calculate scalar implicature in sentences containing -to. A general picture emerged of two child groups with different capabilities for computing scalar implicature: the first group consistently failed on both affirmative and negative sentences, while the second group consistently succeeded for both sentence types. All children in the first group were aged 4-5, while the members of the second group were mainly aged 6, suggesting a crucial turning point around aged 6 for the comprehension of implicature.

Abstract

A scalar focus particle such as even makes speakers/addressees construct a mental model in which alternative sets are ordered on a scale (Karttunen 1979; Kay 1990; Konig 1991). Despite the active discussion on the pragmatic feature of scalar focus particles from theoretical perspectives, there has been little experimental investigation into children’s sensitivity to scalar implicature in sentences with them cross-linguistically (Ito 2007). Korean focus particle is known to derive scalar implicature as well as existential implicature. To catch a glimpse of Korean children’s pragmatic inferencing, this study attempts to explore how they calculate scalar implicature in sentences containing -to. A general picture emerged of two child groups with different capabilities for computing scalar implicature: the first group consistently failed on both affirmative and negative sentences, while the second group consistently succeeded for both sentence types. All children in the first group were aged 4-5, while the members of the second group were mainly aged 6, suggesting a crucial turning point around aged 6 for the comprehension of implicature.

참고문헌 (20)

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