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戦争トラウマの補償とジェンダー概念

Compensation for War Trauma and Gender ConceptsA Comparison of Vietnam Veterans and Japanese Soldiers

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This paper argues that the reason war neurosis in soldiers was not recognized as a disease for a long time was because the state avoided compensating for service-related disorders by comparing Japanese soldiers of World War II and American veterans of the Vietnam War. The fact that the American Psychiatric Association officially recognized PTSD as soon as the Carter administration passed a welfare budget for returning veterans in 1977 is evidence of this. In addition, referring to Nakamura Eri's point that the gender norm of “masculinity” for soldiers became a factor for Japanese soldiers to deny their illness, and Hayasaka Shizuka's point that confession was a return to American male innocence, I argued that the concept of trauma, which was originally that of women who had been sexually abused, was not only a matter of “masculinity,” as a gender norm but also of the “usurpation of trauma”. The latter “usurpation of trauma” requires further study of the entire history of psychiatry to determine why the voices of victims, primarily women, are so often ignored or denied in modern medicine, and why they are not highlighted as the primary cause of trauma. Ryoji Arizuka, who has cared for civilians killed in the Battle of Okinawa and victims of the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident, points out the criticism that the concept of PTSD is based on the idea that perpetrators cannot understand the pain of their victims and that it unfairly puts the damage of the Vietnam War, a state crime, within the medical concept. He then states that it may be more appropriate to use the “Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome (PTSS)” concept for that of the victim, in addition to that of the perpetrator. Judith Herman has also campaigned for the inclusion in the DSM of “Complex PTSD,” which she assumes is intended for victims.

Abstract

This paper argues that the reason war neurosis in soldiers was not recognized as a disease for a long time was because the state avoided compensating for service-related disorders by comparing Japanese soldiers of World War II and American veterans of the Vietnam War. The fact that the American Psychiatric Association officially recognized PTSD as soon as the Carter administration passed a welfare budget for returning veterans in 1977 is evidence of this. In addition, referring to Nakamura Eri's point that the gender norm of “masculinity” for soldiers became a factor for Japanese soldiers to deny their illness, and Hayasaka Shizuka's point that confession was a return to American male innocence, I argued that the concept of trauma, which was originally that of women who had been sexually abused, was not only a matter of “masculinity,” as a gender norm but also of the “usurpation of trauma”. The latter “usurpation of trauma” requires further study of the entire history of psychiatry to determine why the voices of victims, primarily women, are so often ignored or denied in modern medicine, and why they are not highlighted as the primary cause of trauma. Ryoji Arizuka, who has cared for civilians killed in the Battle of Okinawa and victims of the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident, points out the criticism that the concept of PTSD is based on the idea that perpetrators cannot understand the pain of their victims and that it unfairly puts the damage of the Vietnam War, a state crime, within the medical concept. He then states that it may be more appropriate to use the “Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome (PTSS)” concept for that of the victim, in addition to that of the perpetrator. Judith Herman has also campaigned for the inclusion in the DSM of “Complex PTSD,” which she assumes is intended for victims.

참고문헌 (23)

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