본문 바로가기
KERD
논문KCI 등재

윤두서(尹斗緖)의 <정재처사심공진(定齋處士沈公眞)> 연구-한 남인 지식인의 초상 제작과 우도론(友道論)

Yun Duseo and His Portrait of Sim Deukgyeong: Paintings of a Literati Artist of the Southern Faction (南人) and its Relations to a Theory on Friendship

0

조회

0

다운로드

8

인용

0

참고문헌

키워드

주제분류미술

초록

Yun Duseo (尹斗緖, 1668-1715), one of the most representative literati painter in late Chosǒn. (1700-1910), left two portraits; one of those is self-portrait (自畵像), and the other is Jeongjaecheosasimgongjin (定齋處 士沈公眞), which is the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong (沈得經, 1673-1710) who said to be a friend who shared the friendship like gold and stone with Yun Duseo. This essay explores the way in which literati painters create images that are deeply concerned with self-awareness and expression of interiority through a close examination of the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong. Portraiture was the specialized genre treated by professional painters who were members of secondary class in Chosǒn society. Therefore, literati painters from the ruling class hardly painted portrait. How did he come to make his friend’s images? What made Yun Duseo to paint his friend’s portrait by himself? What was the painter’s intention that was alluded through the friend’s portrait? This portrait was painted 4 months after friend’s death. Therefore, Yun Duseo could not contact his model while drawing the portrait, and he should have painted Sim Deukgyeong’s portrait relying only on his memory. He might have had some difficulty to represent his friend’s appearance, and then he used visual, metaphoric elements to reveal his sprit and intelligence beyond appearance. Yun Duseo shows Sim Deukgyeong wearing Dongpagwan (東坡冠), an icon symbolizing So Sik (蘇軾, 1037-1101) who was the most eminent scholar in Northern Song (北宋, 960-1126), and a plain jade green robe (野服) revealing his social status of non-degree holder. In addition, Sim Deukgyeong was defined as Cheosa (處士), in the monumental title on the portrait, which means a recluse denying social success by himself. These pictorial devices are intended not only to evoke Sim Deukgyeong’s sprit and intelligence such as So Sik’s, but also to show his pure and lofty mind like a recluse. The most important factor in interpretations of literati painter ‘s work based on high symbolism is painter’s life. Yun Duseo was a heir of the renowned family in Namin (南人) faction. In early eighteenth century, Namin was deprived of its political power. Young scholars in Namin faction were alienated from accessing their political success. Young scholars including Yun Duseo forced to be a Cheosa, the life of a recluse. Yun Duseo devoted the rest of his life to painting, literature and studying with his friends enduring same frustration and dislocation. The group of Yun Duseo received a instruction in On Friendship (交 友論) written in 1595 by Matteo Ricci(1552-1610), a Jesuit missionary, which taught‘a true friend is the second self, and my half.’They developed their own idea based on the concept of friendship borrowed from Ricci’s idea. They thought true friend is more than their kin and their friend is none other than themselves. These kind of emotions were characteristic of these marginalized literati. Sim Deukgyeong had no official title, no academic career, and no anthology written by himself. Yi Seo (1662-1723), the writter of laudatory inscription on the painting and also one of Yun Duseo‘s friends, lamented that‘if there were none of your portrait, how could we remember your life?’Without his portrait, as Yi Seo’s inscription says, he would have vanished away into history. The group of Yun Duseo would have regarded to remember the life of their friend through the portrait as their own responsibility The portrait of Sim Deukgyeong was based on earnest friendship. The life of Sim Deukgyeong as politically marginalized literati was shared with his friend Yun Duseo. Yun Duseo who should live as a recluse pursuing art and literature, not realizing his social ideal is similar to Sim Deukgyeong. Thus, we can say that the pure and lofty scholar revealed in the portrait could be a means of expressing the inner self of Yun Duseo, as well as the image of Sim Deukgyeong. Moveover, the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong could also be an important clue to interpret Yun Duseo’s self-portrait, which is one of the most problematic self-image of Chonsǒn dynasty. Therefore, the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong is a record of verifying frustrated and alienated Namin literati and their friendship in early eighteenth century Chosǒn.

Abstract

Yun Duseo (尹斗緖, 1668-1715), one of the most representative literati painter in late Chosǒn. (1700-1910), left two portraits; one of those is self-portrait (自畵像), and the other is Jeongjaecheosasimgongjin (定齋處 士沈公眞), which is the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong (沈得經, 1673-1710) who said to be a friend who shared the friendship like gold and stone with Yun Duseo. This essay explores the way in which literati painters create images that are deeply concerned with self-awareness and expression of interiority through a close examination of the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong. Portraiture was the specialized genre treated by professional painters who were members of secondary class in Chosǒn society. Therefore, literati painters from the ruling class hardly painted portrait. How did he come to make his friend’s images? What made Yun Duseo to paint his friend’s portrait by himself? What was the painter’s intention that was alluded through the friend’s portrait? This portrait was painted 4 months after friend’s death. Therefore, Yun Duseo could not contact his model while drawing the portrait, and he should have painted Sim Deukgyeong’s portrait relying only on his memory. He might have had some difficulty to represent his friend’s appearance, and then he used visual, metaphoric elements to reveal his sprit and intelligence beyond appearance. Yun Duseo shows Sim Deukgyeong wearing Dongpagwan (東坡冠), an icon symbolizing So Sik (蘇軾, 1037-1101) who was the most eminent scholar in Northern Song (北宋, 960-1126), and a plain jade green robe (野服) revealing his social status of non-degree holder. In addition, Sim Deukgyeong was defined as Cheosa (處士), in the monumental title on the portrait, which means a recluse denying social success by himself. These pictorial devices are intended not only to evoke Sim Deukgyeong’s sprit and intelligence such as So Sik’s, but also to show his pure and lofty mind like a recluse. The most important factor in interpretations of literati painter ‘s work based on high symbolism is painter’s life. Yun Duseo was a heir of the renowned family in Namin (南人) faction. In early eighteenth century, Namin was deprived of its political power. Young scholars in Namin faction were alienated from accessing their political success. Young scholars including Yun Duseo forced to be a Cheosa, the life of a recluse. Yun Duseo devoted the rest of his life to painting, literature and studying with his friends enduring same frustration and dislocation. The group of Yun Duseo received a instruction in On Friendship (交 友論) written in 1595 by Matteo Ricci(1552-1610), a Jesuit missionary, which taught‘a true friend is the second self, and my half.’They developed their own idea based on the concept of friendship borrowed from Ricci’s idea. They thought true friend is more than their kin and their friend is none other than themselves. These kind of emotions were characteristic of these marginalized literati. Sim Deukgyeong had no official title, no academic career, and no anthology written by himself. Yi Seo (1662-1723), the writter of laudatory inscription on the painting and also one of Yun Duseo‘s friends, lamented that‘if there were none of your portrait, how could we remember your life?’Without his portrait, as Yi Seo’s inscription says, he would have vanished away into history. The group of Yun Duseo would have regarded to remember the life of their friend through the portrait as their own responsibility The portrait of Sim Deukgyeong was based on earnest friendship. The life of Sim Deukgyeong as politically marginalized literati was shared with his friend Yun Duseo. Yun Duseo who should live as a recluse pursuing art and literature, not realizing his social ideal is similar to Sim Deukgyeong. Thus, we can say that the pure and lofty scholar revealed in the portrait could be a means of expressing the inner self of Yun Duseo, as well as the image of Sim Deukgyeong. Moveover, the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong could also be an important clue to interpret Yun Duseo’s self-portrait, which is one of the most problematic self-image of Chonsǒn dynasty. Therefore, the portrait of Sim Deukgyeong is a record of verifying frustrated and alienated Namin literati and their friendship in early eighteenth century Chosǒn.

참고문헌 (59)

  1. 국사편찬위원회, "『 朝鮮王朝實錄』39·40·41" (1970), 국사편찬위원회
  2. 국사편찬위원회, "『 承政院日記』56" (1961), 국사편찬위원회
  3. 南公轍, "金陵集" (2001), 민족문화추진회
  4. 朴趾源, "燕巖集" (2000), 민족문화추진회
  5. "海南尹氏文獻", 국립중앙도서관
  6. 王圻, "三才圖會" (1970), 成文出版社有限公司
  7. 尹斗緖, "記拙", 장서각
  8. 尹斗緖, "恭齋遺稿", 해남 윤씨 종가
  9. 李漵, "弘道先生遺稿, in 近畿實學淵源諸賢集" (2002), 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원
  10. 李瀷, "星湖全集" (1998), 민족문화추진회
  11. 趙龜命, "東谿集" (1998), 민족문화추진회
  12. 曺植, "南冥集" (1989), 민족문화추진회
  13. 강관식, "觀我齋趙榮솜畵學考(下)", 美術資料, 45, pp.11~70 (1990)
  14. 강관식, "조선시대 초상화의 圖像과 心像", 미술사학, 15, pp.7~48 (2001)
  15. 강관식, "털과 눈: 조선시대 초상화의 祭儀的 命題와 造形的 課題", 미술사학연구, (248), pp.95~129 (2005), 한국미술사학회
  16. 강순제, "우리나라의 관모, in 韓國의服飾文化史", pp.9~33 (2006), 학연문화사
  17. 강순제, "입모제(笠帽制), in 한국의 복식", pp.161~168 (1982), 한국문화재보존협회
  18. 강시정, "조선시대 성현도 연구", 석사, pp.2006
  19. 국립중앙박물관미술부, "『 조선시대 초상화』Ⅰ" (2007), 국립중앙박물관
  20. 국립중앙박물관, "秋史 김정희: 學藝 일치의 경지" (2006), 국립중앙박물관
  21. 금장태, "星湖 李瀷의 西學인식", 동아문화, 38, pp.3~38 (2000)
  22. 김울림, "옹방강의 금석고증학과 소동파상", 미술사논단, 18, pp.89~111 (2004)
  23. 마테오리치, "교우론·스물다섯 마디 잠언·기인십편" (2002), 서울대학교출판부
  24. 문정자, "恭齋 尹斗緖의 詩世界에 대한 試論的 고찰", 漢文學論集, 22, pp.5~30 (2004), 근역한문학회
  25. 문화재청, "한국의 국보: 회화·조각" (2007), 문화재청 동산문화재과
  26. 박성순, "우정의 윤리학과 북학파의 문학사상", 국어국문학, 129, pp.1~14 (2001), 국어국문학회
  27. 박수밀, "18세기 우도론의 문화·사회적 의미", 한국고전연구, 8, pp.85~106 (2002)
  28. 박은순, "恭齋 尹斗緖의 生涯와 書畵", 온지논총, (21), pp.371~422 (2009), 온지학회
  29. 박은순, "공재 윤두서의 서화: 상고와 혁신", 미술사학연구, 232, pp.101~130 (2001)
  30. 박홍규, "南冥 曹植과 山崎闇齋-處士, 賓師, 王師", 남명학연구, 11, pp.75~102 (2001)
  31. 사마천, "사기열전" (2002), 을유문화사
  32. 신병주, "조선시대 선비정신과 선비학자들의 활동-16세기 선비들을 중심으로", 남명학연구논총, 16, pp.187~228 (2004)
  33. 申炳周, "16세기 處士型 士林의 擡頭와 學風, in 奎章閣 21", pp.33~58 (1998)
  34. 신지원, "당호를 통해서 본 19세기초 소동파 관련 서화 소장 문화와 대청 문화 교류", 한국문화, (45), pp.75~96 (2009), 규장각한국학연구원
  35. 安大會, "조선후기 自撰墓誌銘 연구", 한국한문학연구, 31(31), pp.237~266 (2003), 한국한문학회
  36. 안승준, "16-18세기 해남윤씨가문의 토지·노비 소유실태와 경영─해남윤씨 고문서를 중심으로", 청계사학, 6, pp.157~222 (1989), 한국정신문화연구원
  37. 오세창, "국역근역서화징" (2000), 시공사
  38. 오주석, "옛 그림 읽기의 즐거움" (2005), 솔
  39. 오현숙, "18세기 회화수장가 민창연(閔昌衍)", pp.97~102 (2005), 문헌과 해석
  40. 유홍준, "화인열전 1" (2001), 역사비평사
  41. 尹載煥, "剡溪 詩를 통해 본 挫折과 憂患意識―그의 연작시 3편을 중심으로―", 한국한시연구, (11), pp.8~309 (2003), 한국한시학회
  42. 이내옥, "공재 윤두서" (2005), 시공사
  43. 이동주, "恭齋 尹斗緖의 繪畫", 韓國學報, 17, pp.162~181 (1979)
  44. 이성무, "조선시대당쟁사" (2000), 동방미디어
  45. 이창룡, "朝鮮朝 詩話에 投影된 蘇東坡", pp.679~706 (1985)
  46. 이태호, "조선후기 회화의 사실정신" (1996), 학고재
  47. 장진성, "조선 후기 고동서화(古董書畵) 수집열기의 성격: 김홍도의 <포의풍류도>와 <사인초상>에 대한 검토", 미술사와시각문화, 3, pp.154~203 (2004)
  48. 정민, "한시 속의 새, 그림속의 새" (2003), 효형출판
  49. 정민, "18세기 우정론의 맥락에서 본 이용휴의 생지명고", 한국학논집, 34, pp.255~279 (2000)
  50. 정민, "18, 19세기 조선 지식인의 병세의식(並世意識), in 한국의 기록문화와 법고창신─제2회 규장각 한국학 국제심포지엄 발표 자료집", pp.298~311 (2009)
  51. 조규백, "소동파의 해남도 유배시 연구", 중국문학연구, 23, pp.223~247 (2001)
  52. 조규백, "秋史 金正喜의 濟州島 流配漢詩文에 담긴 문학세계 탐색 - 중국문인 蘇東坡와 관련하여 -", 중국연구, 32, pp.13~212 (2003), 중국연구소
  53. 趙善美, "韓國肖像畵 硏究" (1994), 悅話堂
  54. 천주현, "<尹斗緖自畵像>의 표현기법 및 안료 분석", 美術資料, 74, pp.81~93 (2006), 국립중앙박물관
  55. 최석원, "姜世晃 自畵像 연구", 석사, pp.2008
  56. 한국정신문화연구원, "한국민족문화대백과사전 20" (1991), 한국정신문화연구원
  57. 諸橋轍次, "『大漢和辭典』卷12" (1968), 大修館書店
  58. Brilliant, Richard, "Portraiture" (1991), Harvard University Press
  59. Xiaoping Lin, "Wu Li: His Life, His Painting", 박사, pp.1993

관련 논문AI추천

이 간행물의 다른 논문 (9건)