Two non-ECP Approaches to Predicate Ellipsis in Spanish Phrasal Comparative Constructions
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Abstract
The goal of this paper is to account for Predicate Ellipsis in Spanish phrasal comparative constructions(henceforth PCCs). Concretely I try to answer two questions: (i) Why is Predicate Ellipsis required in Spanish PCCs, contrary to English counterparts?; (ii) When verbs precede subjects, why does this requirement disappear? With regard to (i), first, I try to provide an analysis in terms of Merchant's(2003) analysis, but I point out that this attempt faces some problems. Thus I propose two non-ECP analyses which do not rely on the mechanism of government. The first analysis crucially relies on the Nuclear Stress Rule proposed by Zubizarreta(1998): nuclear stress must be assigned to the rightmost element. I argue that Predicate Ellipsis in Spanish PCCs takes place to make it possible for focus to receive nuclear stress. The second analysis crucially relies on Lasnik's(1999) analysis of Pseudogapping: a strong feature of the lexical verb can be checked either by deletion of the predicate or by overt verb movement. I argue that deletion of the verb along with its containing VP makes it possible for the derivation to converge at PF. My analyses support Merchant's(2003) proposal in that ellipsis can repair otherwise deviant structures. However, they differ from Merchant's analysis in that they do not rely on the ECP, thus contributing to the attempts to eliminate the mechanism of government from the grammar.
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