미국형 대통령제의 역사적 기원 : 기본구조 - 필라델피아 제헌회의에서의 핵심 쟁점을 중심으로
Historical Origins of the U.S. Presidential System : The Fundamental Structure of Presidentialism Key Debates from the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia
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이 논문은 미합중국헌법이 대통령제를 채택하게 된 역사적 기원을 필라델피아 제헌회의에서 논의된 기록을 통해 규명한 것이다. 첫째, 복수 집행수반 체제나 집행평의회 체제를 배제하고, 1인 집행수반에 권력을 집중시킨 것은 공화주의에서 비롯된 집행의 책임성 요청 외에, 독립전쟁의 군사경험까지 반영한 집행의 신속성과 집중·기밀성 요청에 기인한 것으로 분석되었다. 둘째, 당시 시대적 한계로 실현가능성이 의문시되었던 인민직선제와 집행부의 입법부 종속화가 우려되었던 의회간선제를 배제하고, 집행수반의 선거인단 간선제를 채택한 것은 전국적 이익의 수호자로서 집행부를 독립·강화하려는 시도로부터 비롯되었는데, 주별 동등 투표권 행사에 의한 최종 결선투표를 인정하는 타협을 통해 작은 주 대표들의 최종적인 동의를 이끌어낼 수 있었다. 셋째, 마찬가지로 집행부의 독립성 확보를 위해 의회의 해임의결권을 부정하는 대신, 제한된 임기로 재선을 거치는 집행수반의 반역·수뢰·부패를 통제할 장치로서 탄핵을 제도화했다. 아울러, 의회로부터 독립적인 선거인단 간선제가 확정됨에 따라, 그 부산물로, 대통령 다음 순위의 다수득표자가 맡게 되는 부통령제가 도입되었다. 마지막으로 이 논문은 미합중국헌법과 대조적으로 집단 합의적이며 의회 통제적인 1인 집행수반 체제를 채택한 1948년 대한민국헌법에 대해, 양자 간 차이를 초래한 입헌의 역사적 배경의 실질적 상이성 및 집단적·개인적·제도적 이익 등 입헌 동기의 차이점을 분석했다.
Abstract
The presidential system, as one of the most important inventions and exports of the U.S., had an undeniably strong impact on the fundamental structure of our government. In this Article, I traced the origins of the U.S. presidential system back to the debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, and found some significant features. First, the delegates to the Convention were more concerned with the republican principle of “responsibility” than with that of “checks and balances” in designing the basic form of the executive branch. Therefore, they finally agreed on “a single magistrate with no executive council.” The secrecy, the dispatch, the vigor and energy of the executive were also highly appreciated, and that meant, the Constitution’s strong one-person executive was a reflection of the delegates’ military experiences during the revolutionary war. Second, the delegates not only objected to the direct popular election of the president, but also rejected the indirect congressional election of the executive. Their ultimate preference lied in the indirect election by the electoral college, where the national executive could maintain sufficient independence from the federal congress which emerged as the advocate of State interests after the Great Compromise. The opposition of small States could be weakened by giving each State equal vote in the congressional runoff election of the president. Third, the delegates strengthened the presidential independence from the congress not only by the mechanism for its appointment but also by that for its removal: they provided a legal impeachment process on the grounds of “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors,” instead of a con- gressional vote of no-confidence as political control. The invention of the vice presidency seems to have been an afterthought of the Convention, a mere residue of its solution to the problem of presidential selection, i.e., the indirect election by the electoral college. Unlike the makers of the U.S. Constitution, the Korean delegates to the Constitutional Assembly agreed on “a congressionally controlled presidency with a council of state.” In conclusion, I analysed the historical backgrounds and political motivations of the two constitution-making processes, and revealed some key factors explaining the differences between the two cases.
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