Yucatec spirantization revisited
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When a consonant abuts another consonant in a cluster, the first consonant C1 tends to be spirantized in the language of Yucatec Maya. Interestingly, the presence or absence of C1-spirantization is attributed to CC-homorganicity, i.e. the same place of articulation. The data involving C1-spirantization are categorized into two types: one is a C1-stop homorganic to the following consonant C2, and the other is a homorganic C1-affricate to C2. For the former, a C1-stop consistently turns into a glottal fricative [h], not *[ʔ] or *[s]. For the latter, however, the C1-affricate emerges as [s] (*[h]). Here asymmetry of C1-stop vs. C1-affricate is observed, i.e. [h] vs. [s], respectively. Under CC-homorganicity, C1-spirantization results from the interaction of OCP[Stop] and OCP[PL]. However, when CCs are non-homorganic to each other, C1 is not spirantized at all. Dep[Cont], re-ranked over OCP[Stop], entirely blocks any alternation to a spirant *[h] or *[s]. Without the aid of either Local Conjunction of Constraints (LCC) or Sympathy Theory as adopted in Fukazawa’s (2001) parallel OT account, the co-work of OCP-type constraints and Max/Dep faithfulness constraints guarantees a simpler and more accurate analysis.
Abstract
When a consonant abuts another consonant in a cluster, the first consonant C1 tends to be spirantized in the language of Yucatec Maya. Interestingly, the presence or absence of C1-spirantization is attributed to CC-homorganicity, i.e. the same place of articulation. The data involving C1-spirantization are categorized into two types: one is a C1-stop homorganic to the following consonant C2, and the other is a homorganic C1-affricate to C2. For the former, a C1-stop consistently turns into a glottal fricative [h], not *[ʔ] or *[s]. For the latter, however, the C1-affricate emerges as [s] (*[h]). Here asymmetry of C1-stop vs. C1-affricate is observed, i.e. [h] vs. [s], respectively. Under CC-homorganicity, C1-spirantization results from the interaction of OCP[Stop] and OCP[PL]. However, when CCs are non-homorganic to each other, C1 is not spirantized at all. Dep[Cont], re-ranked over OCP[Stop], entirely blocks any alternation to a spirant *[h] or *[s]. Without the aid of either Local Conjunction of Constraints (LCC) or Sympathy Theory as adopted in Fukazawa’s (2001) parallel OT account, the co-work of OCP-type constraints and Max/Dep faithfulness constraints guarantees a simpler and more accurate analysis.
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