A Parallel Approach to Palatalization and Spirantization in English
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The purpose of this paper is to provide an essential and clear formalization of palatalization and spirantization in English within the framework of Optimality Theory (henceforth OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995). English requires a supplemental process called j-deletion after palatalization. Although the process has been regarded as fusion (or coalescence) in many works, setting up j-deletion seemed to be inevitable under the rule based and even OT framework. This would be because j-deletion has been strongly believed to raise phonological opacity inducing counter- feeding and counter-bleeding effect. This paper shows that palatalization in English has no opaque process. To deal with the processes as a kind of fusion, I employ the autosegmental view which regards features as autonomous entities and segmental change is a result of the interaction of features. In addition, I assume that vowel /i/ and glide /j/ are identical in the input, following the recent claim that syllabification does not need to be specified in the lexicon. Finally, palatalization and spirantization can successfully be accounted for without the process like j-deletion and derivational (or serial) approaches.
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to provide an essential and clear formalization of palatalization and spirantization in English within the framework of Optimality Theory (henceforth OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995). English requires a supplemental process called j-deletion after palatalization. Although the process has been regarded as fusion (or coalescence) in many works, setting up j-deletion seemed to be inevitable under the rule based and even OT framework. This would be because j-deletion has been strongly believed to raise phonological opacity inducing counter- feeding and counter-bleeding effect. This paper shows that palatalization in English has no opaque process. To deal with the processes as a kind of fusion, I employ the autosegmental view which regards features as autonomous entities and segmental change is a result of the interaction of features. In addition, I assume that vowel /i/ and glide /j/ are identical in the input, following the recent claim that syllabification does not need to be specified in the lexicon. Finally, palatalization and spirantization can successfully be accounted for without the process like j-deletion and derivational (or serial) approaches.
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