Syllabification ambiguity and lexical nuclei: An optimality-theoretic analysis of on-glides in Korean
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It has been widely regarded that the SPE feature [±syllabic] is unnecessary in phonological theory in the sense that syllable structures are predictable by a grammar: syllabification does not need to be specified in the lexicon. The result is to discard the special segments “glides”, since they are only distinguished from vowels by [±syllabic]. Our study is based on this view: “glides” are in fact vowels in underlying representation, and they are parsed in non-nucleus (onset in our discussion) on the surface. The problem, however, is that Korean has numerous examples causing syllabification ambiguity. For instance, ki.p ‘an enterprise’ and kjp ‘a layer’ seem to show contrast between vowel /i/ and “glide” /j/: minimal pair. For this reason, most literature about Korean still accepts this segmental contrast between vowels and “glides”, reintroducing the feature [±syllabic]. This study provides an explicit account for the process by employing the concept of lexical nuclei (following the idea of Roca 1997), without giving up many advantages that syllabification by a grammar gives. The basic idea is simple: our approach allows minimal syllable structure only to the relevant lexical items. Consequently, this strategy hinges on economy, rather than the full-specification of syllable structures in the lexicon. The analysis is couched within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995).
Abstract
It has been widely regarded that the SPE feature [±syllabic] is unnecessary in phonological theory in the sense that syllable structures are predictable by a grammar: syllabification does not need to be specified in the lexicon. The result is to discard the special segments “glides”, since they are only distinguished from vowels by [±syllabic]. Our study is based on this view: “glides” are in fact vowels in underlying representation, and they are parsed in non-nucleus (onset in our discussion) on the surface. The problem, however, is that Korean has numerous examples causing syllabification ambiguity. For instance, ki.p ‘an enterprise’ and kjp ‘a layer’ seem to show contrast between vowel /i/ and “glide” /j/: minimal pair. For this reason, most literature about Korean still accepts this segmental contrast between vowels and “glides”, reintroducing the feature [±syllabic]. This study provides an explicit account for the process by employing the concept of lexical nuclei (following the idea of Roca 1997), without giving up many advantages that syllabification by a grammar gives. The basic idea is simple: our approach allows minimal syllable structure only to the relevant lexical items. Consequently, this strategy hinges on economy, rather than the full-specification of syllable structures in the lexicon. The analysis is couched within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995).
참고문헌 (29)
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