Syllable Structure in Korean Revisited
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초록
This paper argues that the maximal surface syllable structure in Korean is (C)V(C), with the single onset consonant and the single coda consonant optional and with the syllable peak non-branching. Specifically, there is no glide between the onset consonant and the peak vowel regardless of the position of the alleged glide whether it would be part of a complex onset or part of a branching nucleus. Supporting arguments are from the conspiracy effect in loanword adaptations, loanword adaptations of consonant-glide and consonant-liquid clusters, the distribution of the glide [ɰ], palatal variants of non-plosives before a vowel other than [i], and hiatus tolerance.
Abstract
This paper argues that the maximal surface syllable structure in Korean is (C)V(C), with the single onset consonant and the single coda consonant optional and with the syllable peak non-branching. Specifically, there is no glide between the onset consonant and the peak vowel regardless of the position of the alleged glide whether it would be part of a complex onset or part of a branching nucleus. Supporting arguments are from the conspiracy effect in loanword adaptations, loanword adaptations of consonant-glide and consonant-liquid clusters, the distribution of the glide [ɰ], palatal variants of non-plosives before a vowel other than [i], and hiatus tolerance.
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