First consonant deletion in constraint-based approaches
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This paper gives an analysis of the phenomenon of first consonant deletion in several versions of Optimality Theory, comparing their strong and weak points. Generally, C1 instead of C2 gets deleted in a VC1C2V sequence fed by syncope from VC1VC2V. A traditional parallel version of Optimality Theory (P-OT) fails to describe the phenomenon properly, even when equipped with a positional faithfulness constraint MAX(STRONG). Based on perceptional strength, MAX (STRONG) guarantees the survival of segments in a context of strong perception, that is, in prevocalic position. No allowance of intermediate derivational steps in P-OT makes MAX(STRONG) overexert its influence, failing to select a correct output. Another analysis in P-OT, Wilson (2001), is reviewed, describing the phenomenon with the help of a targeted constraint and cumulative harmonic ordering. These two additional devices are employed to compare the relationships among candidates as well as between input and output as a way out of the problem facing P-OT. On the other hand, Harmonic Serialism, a serial version of OT equipped with gradualness and harmonic improvement, provides input in each step of derivation and has no difficulty presenting a proper analysis. Presenting a path from P-OT through a targeted-constraints theory to HS, it is confirmed again that the more tightly restricted a theory is like HS, the less powerful it is, giving a better solution to a problem.
Abstract
This paper gives an analysis of the phenomenon of first consonant deletion in several versions of Optimality Theory, comparing their strong and weak points. Generally, C1 instead of C2 gets deleted in a VC1C2V sequence fed by syncope from VC1VC2V. A traditional parallel version of Optimality Theory (P-OT) fails to describe the phenomenon properly, even when equipped with a positional faithfulness constraint MAX(STRONG). Based on perceptional strength, MAX (STRONG) guarantees the survival of segments in a context of strong perception, that is, in prevocalic position. No allowance of intermediate derivational steps in P-OT makes MAX(STRONG) overexert its influence, failing to select a correct output. Another analysis in P-OT, Wilson (2001), is reviewed, describing the phenomenon with the help of a targeted constraint and cumulative harmonic ordering. These two additional devices are employed to compare the relationships among candidates as well as between input and output as a way out of the problem facing P-OT. On the other hand, Harmonic Serialism, a serial version of OT equipped with gradualness and harmonic improvement, provides input in each step of derivation and has no difficulty presenting a proper analysis. Presenting a path from P-OT through a targeted-constraints theory to HS, it is confirmed again that the more tightly restricted a theory is like HS, the less powerful it is, giving a better solution to a problem.
참고문헌 (25)
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