Variation and optionality in serial interaction
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The architecture of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational version of OT, hinges upon harmonic improvement of parallel OT and a serial derivation of rule-based grammar. Under gradualness, Gen is forced to produce a limited candidate set with a single modification at a time. Through the multiple passes of Gen and Eval, optimality in HS is always determined in a gradual, local, and consistent mode. Given this HS tenet, (dialectal) variation and (intra-speaker) optionality reflect HS’s local optimality. Both variation and optionality cause multiple optima on the surface but they adopt different harmonic improvement paths. Optimality in variation is entirely local and harmony ascent is gradually achieved via an invariant hierarchy but a different grammar from dialect to dialect. On the other hand, multiple optima from optionality are half local with a gradual harmony ascent and the other half global with ultimate harmony at once.
Abstract
The architecture of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational version of OT, hinges upon harmonic improvement of parallel OT and a serial derivation of rule-based grammar. Under gradualness, Gen is forced to produce a limited candidate set with a single modification at a time. Through the multiple passes of Gen and Eval, optimality in HS is always determined in a gradual, local, and consistent mode. Given this HS tenet, (dialectal) variation and (intra-speaker) optionality reflect HS’s local optimality. Both variation and optionality cause multiple optima on the surface but they adopt different harmonic improvement paths. Optimality in variation is entirely local and harmony ascent is gradually achieved via an invariant hierarchy but a different grammar from dialect to dialect. On the other hand, multiple optima from optionality are half local with a gradual harmony ascent and the other half global with ultimate harmony at once.
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