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Akan ATR harmony in serial harmony: No direction-specific blocking effect

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Vowel harmony (VH) as assimilation through feature spreading is not parallel but serial in Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational OT model. In HS, harmonic feature propagation is iterative via the multiple passes of Gen and Eval loop, thus VH in HS guarantees serial harmony (SH). [ATR] harmony in Akan is controlled by the [ATR] value of a root vowel. If a root vowel is [+ATR], all the vowels from a root to affixes agree in [+ATR], otherwise the default [-ATR] takes place, instead. In an HS derivation, harmony-inducing constraint Share-Domain causes root-internal VH while Share-Juncture incurs root-outward VH. At a juncture, feature spreading operates in different path of derivation, i.e., unidirectional in each path, thus it is further split off to suffix and prefix given Akan morphology in which a prefix is added to the stem with a suffixed root. Furthermore, low vowel varies in its behavior; /a/ undergoes [ATR] harmony before [+ATR] while it is opaque after [+ATR] with no its [ATR] agreement. [ATR] harmony in low vowel is not attributed to feature spreading, rather to feature licensing and top-ranked grounding constraints. In essence, direction-specific blocking effect and bidirectionality that Align in parallel OT reveals are not supportive in HS.

Abstract

Vowel harmony (VH) as assimilation through feature spreading is not parallel but serial in Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational OT model. In HS, harmonic feature propagation is iterative via the multiple passes of Gen and Eval loop, thus VH in HS guarantees serial harmony (SH). [ATR] harmony in Akan is controlled by the [ATR] value of a root vowel. If a root vowel is [+ATR], all the vowels from a root to affixes agree in [+ATR], otherwise the default [-ATR] takes place, instead. In an HS derivation, harmony-inducing constraint Share-Domain causes root-internal VH while Share-Juncture incurs root-outward VH. At a juncture, feature spreading operates in different path of derivation, i.e., unidirectional in each path, thus it is further split off to suffix and prefix given Akan morphology in which a prefix is added to the stem with a suffixed root. Furthermore, low vowel varies in its behavior; /a/ undergoes [ATR] harmony before [+ATR] while it is opaque after [+ATR] with no its [ATR] agreement. [ATR] harmony in low vowel is not attributed to feature spreading, rather to feature licensing and top-ranked grounding constraints. In essence, direction-specific blocking effect and bidirectionality that Align in parallel OT reveals are not supportive in HS.

참고문헌 (31)

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