폐쇄음으로 시작하는 영어 자음 연쇄의 한국어 차용
Loanword adaptation of consonant clusters from English into Korean
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Many studies claim that loanword adaptation is perceptual mapping (Silverman 1992, Peperkamp et al. 2008) and relies crucially on fine-grained acoustic similarity (Kim and Curtis 2001, Boersma and Hamann 2009). By investigating loanword adaptation of stop-initial clusters from English into Korean with respect to vowel epenthesis, this paper aims to answer two questions. First, can the perceptual approach proposed by many researchers fully account for vowel epenthesis in loanword adaptation? Second, are the stop-initial clusters from English loaned in the same way into Korean regardless of their morphological structure? Close examination of loanword adaptation of stop-stop and stop-nasal sequences of English into Korean reveals three findings. Firstly, not all vowel epentheses result from perceptual epenthesis. Secondly, the recoverability of source sounds pushes the adapters away from application of native phonological processes, which are prevalent in native phonology, in the direction of epentheses, in which the identity of the preconsonantal stop is better encoded in loanwords. Thirdly, morphological structure of a source word plays a role in segmental mapping in loanword adaptation.
Abstract
Many studies claim that loanword adaptation is perceptual mapping (Silverman 1992, Peperkamp et al. 2008) and relies crucially on fine-grained acoustic similarity (Kim and Curtis 2001, Boersma and Hamann 2009). By investigating loanword adaptation of stop-initial clusters from English into Korean with respect to vowel epenthesis, this paper aims to answer two questions. First, can the perceptual approach proposed by many researchers fully account for vowel epenthesis in loanword adaptation? Second, are the stop-initial clusters from English loaned in the same way into Korean regardless of their morphological structure? Close examination of loanword adaptation of stop-stop and stop-nasal sequences of English into Korean reveals three findings. Firstly, not all vowel epentheses result from perceptual epenthesis. Secondly, the recoverability of source sounds pushes the adapters away from application of native phonological processes, which are prevalent in native phonology, in the direction of epentheses, in which the identity of the preconsonantal stop is better encoded in loanwords. Thirdly, morphological structure of a source word plays a role in segmental mapping in loanword adaptation.
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