Comparative markedness in Korean palatalization
1
조회
0
다운로드
0
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Two kinds of Korean palatalization – t- and s-palatalization – contrast in that while t-palatalization applies only across morpheme boundaries, s-palatalization applies across the board. McCarthy (2003) accounts for this with the ranking OO-NPAL » IDENT » PAL wherein palatalization is usually blocked because of IDENT » PAL. However, if a PAL violation is created by morphological concatenation, then the ranking OO-NPAL » IDENT triggers palatalization. The problem with this analysis is that it does not distinguish between t- and s-palatalization – it incorrectly predicts that s-palatalization should also be blocked in non-derived environments. We show that the difference between the two kinds of palatalization lies in the faithfulness violations involved. In the mapping /s/[š], only IDENT[place] is violated; however, /th /[t∫h] violates both IDENT[place] and IDENT[strident]. The constraint that blocks palatalization of /t/ in non-derived environments in McCarthy’s analysis must therefore be the IDENT[strident], a constraint that is not involved in s-palatalization. IDENT[place], the only faithfulness constraint involved in s-palatalization, has to rank below OPAL, so that s-palatalization is triggered even in non-derived environments.
Abstract
Two kinds of Korean palatalization – t- and s-palatalization – contrast in that while t-palatalization applies only across morpheme boundaries, s-palatalization applies across the board. McCarthy (2003) accounts for this with the ranking OO-NPAL » IDENT » PAL wherein palatalization is usually blocked because of IDENT » PAL. However, if a PAL violation is created by morphological concatenation, then the ranking OO-NPAL » IDENT triggers palatalization. The problem with this analysis is that it does not distinguish between t- and s-palatalization – it incorrectly predicts that s-palatalization should also be blocked in non-derived environments. We show that the difference between the two kinds of palatalization lies in the faithfulness violations involved. In the mapping /s/[š], only IDENT[place] is violated; however, /th /[t∫h] violates both IDENT[place] and IDENT[strident]. The constraint that blocks palatalization of /t/ in non-derived environments in McCarthy’s analysis must therefore be the IDENT[strident], a constraint that is not involved in s-palatalization. IDENT[place], the only faithfulness constraint involved in s-palatalization, has to rank below OPAL, so that s-palatalization is triggered even in non-derived environments.
참고문헌 (10)
- AHN, SANG-CHEOL, "Lexicality vs. Postlexicality in Korean palatalization", Linguistics in the Morning Calm, 2, pp.249~264 (1988)
- AHN, SANG-CHEOL, "An Introduction to Korean Phonology" (1998), Hanshin Publishing Company
- ITÔ, JUNKO, "The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics", pp.62~100 (1999), Blackwell Publishers
- KAGER, RENÉ, "Optimality Theory" (1999), Cambridge University Press
- KANG, ONG-MI, "Korean Phonology" (2003), Taehaksa
- Gyung-RanKim, "Korean palatalization in Optimality Theory:against the strict parallelism", 음성음운형태론연구, 8(1), pp.1~15 (2002), 한국음운론학회
- MCCARTHY, JOHN J., "Comparative Markedness", Theoretical Linguistics, 29, pp.1~51 (2003)
- MCCARTHY, JOHN J., "University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18", pp.249~384 (1995), GLSA Publications
- MCCARTHY, JOHN J., "The Prosody-Morphology Interface", pp.218~309 (1999), Cambridge University Press
- PRINCE, ALAN, "Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar" (2004), Blackwell
