본문 바로가기
KERD
논문KCI 등재

Competing Discourses on Three Ming Emperors and the Significance of Their Canonization in Late Chosŏn Korea

0

조회

0

다운로드

1

인용

0

참고문헌

키워드

주제분류기타인문학

초록

In 1749, King Yŏngjo and his courtiers began to venerate the Ming emperors Hongwu and Chongzhen at Taebodan in the courtyard of Ch’angdŏk Palace. This was in addition to Wanli, who had been honored since 1704. During the late Chosŏn period, the court regularly held rituals to worship these emperors. This study examines court discussions to assess the impact of this veneration on the image of the emperors. These show that prior to 1749, Chosŏn monarchs and ministers often viewed the emperors negatively, while at the same time lauding their virtues. The study also explores the process through which the court constructed orthodox narratives on the emperors, a process which bestowed the emperors with certain merits and virtues. These images became the only legitimate means through which to view them and were reinforced by regular state rituals. After 1749, the emperors became objects of supreme veneration rather than objective evaluation. Ming loyalism discouraged voices critical of the Ming or disrespectful to the emperors, an approach that supplanted a more critical Confucian interpretation.

Abstract

In 1749, King Yŏngjo and his courtiers began to venerate the Ming emperors Hongwu and Chongzhen at Taebodan in the courtyard of Ch’angdŏk Palace. This was in addition to Wanli, who had been honored since 1704. During the late Chosŏn period, the court regularly held rituals to worship these emperors. This study examines court discussions to assess the impact of this veneration on the image of the emperors. These show that prior to 1749, Chosŏn monarchs and ministers often viewed the emperors negatively, while at the same time lauding their virtues. The study also explores the process through which the court constructed orthodox narratives on the emperors, a process which bestowed the emperors with certain merits and virtues. These images became the only legitimate means through which to view them and were reinforced by regular state rituals. After 1749, the emperors became objects of supreme veneration rather than objective evaluation. Ming loyalism discouraged voices critical of the Ming or disrespectful to the emperors, an approach that supplanted a more critical Confucian interpretation.

참고문헌 (50)

  1. (1985), Yŏgang ch’ulp’ansa
  2. [URL]
  3. ". 1769. Kyu 9920-v.1-2"[URL]
  4. (1974), Zhonghua Shuju
  5. [URL]
  6. [URL]
  7. (2008), Kyujanggak Han’gukhak Yŏn’guwŏn
  8. Kyu 3232, "Kyujanggak Han’gukhak Yŏn’guwŏn"
  9. Bohnet, Adam, "Turning toward Edification : Foreigners in Chosŏn Korea" (2020), University of Hawaiʻi Press
  10. 조일수, "찬출(撰出)된 악한: 정명수와 『인조실록』의 개찬", 한국학연구, (66), pp.69~95 (2022), 한국학연구소
  11. 조일수, "인조의 대중국 외교에 대한 비판적 고찰", 역사비평, (121), pp.343~371 (2017), 역사문제연구소[DOI]
  12. 조성산, "조선후기 소론계의 古代史 연구와 中華主義의 변용", 역사학보, (202), pp.49~90 (2009), 역사학회
  13. "Han’guk hakpo 한국학보", 1999, 54~84
  14. "Yŏksa hakpo 歷史學報", 1999, 23~57
  15. "Han’guksa yŏn’gu 韓國史硏究", 1998, 181~213
  16. "Han’gukhak nonch’ong 한국학논총", 1991, 65~89
  17. Chŏng Okcha 정옥자, (1998), Ilchisa
  18. 최우혁, "순조대 후반 정국과 근기남인의 역할", 역사와 실학, (75), pp.179~222 (2021), 역사실학회
  19. Haboush, Jahyun Kim, "The Confucian Kingship in Korea : Yŏngjo and the Politics of Sagacity" (2001), Columbia University Press
  20. 한정길, "白下 尹淳의 경세론에 나타난 양명학적 사유", 태동고전연구, 31, pp.155~179 (2013), 태동고전연구소
  21. 한명기, "‘再造之恩’과 조선후기 정치사― 임진왜란~정조대 시기를 중심으로", 대동문화연구, (59), pp.191~230 (2007), 대동문화연구원[DOI]
  22. Han Seunghyun, "The Mangbaerye Examinations: Ming Loyalist Court Rituals and Royal Authority in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Chosŏn", Journal of Korean Studies, 27(1), pp.3~36 (2022)
  23. 한승현, "朝鮮 後期 明 遺民 우대책과 濟南 王氏의 관직진출", 한국문화, (86), pp.197~238 (2019), 규장각한국학연구원[DOI]
  24. Hŏ T’aeyong 허태용, (2009), Ak’anet
  25. 허태용, "英.正朝代 中華繼承意識의 강화와 宋.明 역사서의 편찬", 조선시대사학보, (42), pp.237~269 (2007), 조선시대사학회
  26. 허태용, "17세기말~18세기초 尊周論의 강화와 ?三國志演義?의 유행", 韓國史學報, (15), pp.5~158 (2003), 고려사학회
  27. 김호, "英祖의 大報壇 증수와 明 三皇의 享社", 한국문화, (32), pp.181~215 (2003), 규장각한국학연구원
  28. "Chosŏn sidaesa hakpo 朝鮮時代史學報", 1997, 163~212
  29. Kim Paekch’ŏl 김백철, (2014), T’aehaksa
  30. Kim Ujin 김우진, (2022), Minsogwŏn
  31. 권오영, "南漢山城과 조선 후기의 大明義理論", 한국실학연구, (8), pp.213~258 (2004), 한국실학학회
  32. Kye, Seung B., "The Posthumous Image and Role of Ming Taizu in Korean Politics", Ming Studies, 2004(1), pp.107~130 (2004)
  33. 계승범, "역사소설로 본 조선후기 ‘역사 만들기’의 일면", 韓國史學史學報, (38), pp.315~339 (2018), 한국사학사학회[DOI]
  34. Kye Sŭngbŏm 계승범, (2011), Sŏgang Taehakkyo Ch’ulp’anbu
  35. 박경남, "林慶業 영웅상의 실체와 그 의미", 고전문학연구, 23, pp.8~238 (2003), 한국고전문학회
  36. "Kyŏngju sahak 경주사학", 2003, 195~220
  37. Park, Saeyoung, "Memory, Counternarrative, and the Body Politic in Post–Imjin War Chosŏn K", Journal of Korean Studies, 19(1), pp.153~178 (2014)
  38. Robinson, David M., "Korea and the Fall of the Mongol Empire : Alliance, Upheaval, and the Rise of a New East Asian Order" (2022), Cambridge University Press
  39. Robinson, David M., "Empire’s Twilight : Northeast Asia Under the Mongols" (2009), Harvard University Asia Center
  40. 서동윤, "1637년 椵島전투를 둘러싼 기억의 전승에 관한 연구", 진단학보, (123), pp.25~53 (2015), 진단학회
  41. U Kyŏngsŏp 우경섭, (2013), Yuni Sŭt’ori
  42. Joshua Van Lieu, "The Guan Yu Cult and Joseon-Qing Visions of State Legitimacy, 1882-1894", The Review of Korean Studies, 22(2), pp.87~122 (2019), 한국학중앙연구원[DOI]
  43. 이종필, "金自點 담론의 추이와 소설적 악인 형상화의 정치적 역학", 고소설연구, (35), pp.167~203 (2013), 한국고소설학회
  44. Yi Kŭnho 이근호, (2016), Minsogwŏn
  45. 이성형, "對明義理論의 推移와 朝鮮 關王廟-宣祖~肅宗 年間을 中心으로-", 한국한문학연구, (53), pp.353~390 (2014), 한국한문학회[DOI]
  46. 연갑수, "영조대 對淸使行의 운영과 對淸關係에 대한 인식", 한국문화, (51), pp.29~63 (2010), 규장각한국학연구원[DOI]
  47. 윤정, "숙종대 明史 진강과 명의 멸망에 대한 인식 - 『明紀編年』 진강을 중심으로 -", 藏書閣, (45), pp.318~357 (2021), 한국학중앙연구원[DOI]
  48. 윤정, "숙종대 명사(明史) 진강과 명 사적의 재인식 - 『황명통기(皇明通紀)』의 진강을 중심으로 -", 역사와 실학, (74), pp.137~190 (2021), 역사실학회

관련 논문AI추천

이 간행물의 다른 논문 (12건)