러시아어에서의 분노의 정서개념 의미 연구―전치사의 공간 은유와 정서범주의 원형효과―
On Semantics of Emotion Concept of ‘Anger’ in Russian ― Metaphoric Conceptualization of Spatial Prepositions and Prototype Effects of the Categories of Emotion ―
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The goal of the study is to explore the internal structure of emotion concept of ‘anger’ in Russian. I classified four types of anger: (i) savage anger, i.e., jarost’, beshenstvo, neistovstvo, (ii) righteous anger, i.e., gnev, negodovanie and vozmushchenie, (iii) silent introvertive anger, i.e., dosada and razdrazhenie, (iv) malicious anger, i.e., zloba and zlost’. These emotion concepts display common metaphors and metonymies, such as fire, hot fluid in container, an opponent in a struggle, and physiological effects of body heat, agitation, redness, loss of speech, etc. In view of the prototypical scenario of anger(Lakoff 1987) and the frequency of attestation, cognitive saliency in native speakers’ mind as well as the collocational distribution, the conceptual prototype of anger in Russian is gnev. The study confirms that the membership of conceptual categories of emotion have gradience, which cannot be explained by all-or-none category membership. The prototype effects are verified by the spatial metaphors of prepositions, specifically ot, s, iz. While ot is the unmarked causal preposition of most emotion words including anger, the prepositions s and iz are found more often with peripheral concepts, such as dosada, zloba, zlost’. The preposition s prefers dosada, while iz prefers zloba most. The emotion concepts having cumulative, durative semantic features which are embedded in a person’s character tend to prefer iz, whereas the emotion concepts which are instantly triggered and directed to instigators of the emotion as a retributive reaction tend to prefer ot. The preposition s is in-between and the emotion concepts compatible with this preposition do not implicate immediate retributive reactions, nor are they deeply embedded in the experiencer’s cognitive structure. These semantic distinctive features are in iconic relationship with the primary spatial meanings denoted by these prepositions, and the metaphoric semantic extensions therefrom yield subtly differentiated causal meanings for the emotion concepts.
Abstract
The goal of the study is to explore the internal structure of emotion concept of ‘anger’ in Russian. I classified four types of anger: (i) savage anger, i.e., jarost’, beshenstvo, neistovstvo, (ii) righteous anger, i.e., gnev, negodovanie and vozmushchenie, (iii) silent introvertive anger, i.e., dosada and razdrazhenie, (iv) malicious anger, i.e., zloba and zlost’. These emotion concepts display common metaphors and metonymies, such as fire, hot fluid in container, an opponent in a struggle, and physiological effects of body heat, agitation, redness, loss of speech, etc. In view of the prototypical scenario of anger(Lakoff 1987) and the frequency of attestation, cognitive saliency in native speakers’ mind as well as the collocational distribution, the conceptual prototype of anger in Russian is gnev. The study confirms that the membership of conceptual categories of emotion have gradience, which cannot be explained by all-or-none category membership. The prototype effects are verified by the spatial metaphors of prepositions, specifically ot, s, iz. While ot is the unmarked causal preposition of most emotion words including anger, the prepositions s and iz are found more often with peripheral concepts, such as dosada, zloba, zlost’. The preposition s prefers dosada, while iz prefers zloba most. The emotion concepts having cumulative, durative semantic features which are embedded in a person’s character tend to prefer iz, whereas the emotion concepts which are instantly triggered and directed to instigators of the emotion as a retributive reaction tend to prefer ot. The preposition s is in-between and the emotion concepts compatible with this preposition do not implicate immediate retributive reactions, nor are they deeply embedded in the experiencer’s cognitive structure. These semantic distinctive features are in iconic relationship with the primary spatial meanings denoted by these prepositions, and the metaphoric semantic extensions therefrom yield subtly differentiated causal meanings for the emotion concepts.
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