Is There Local Conjunction?
3
조회
0
다운로드
0
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
The paper presents an OT-based analysis of Korean nominal suffixes and argues that the so-called local conjunction (LC), which is a conjoined constraint consisting of two independent constraints, is necessary to account for some morphological puzzle. More specifically, in Korean, epenthesis is phonologically enforced to drive the different allomorphs of some nominal suffixes (e.g., accusative suffixes [ɨl] and [lɨl]). However, this does not hold for all other nominal suffixes (e.g. locative suffix [e], which do not have any allomorphs. Under the current OT framework, the epenthetic behavior of Korean nominal morphology cannot provide the consistent language-specific ranking between faithfulness (e.g., DEP-IO) and markedness constraints (e.g., ONSET, NO CODA). In order to solve this ranking conflict of the constraints, I propose here a locally conjoined (i.e., LC) constraint, [ONSET & NO Coda]δ. The LC can solve the morphological puzzle well without assuming a highly complicated constraint. In addition, I further discuss the theoretical and empirical properties of the proposed LC. The suggested LC, [ONSET & NO Coda]δ, is strictly restricted to a local domain (i.e., a syllable boundary). This is on a par with the universal condition of LC. Furthermore, [ONSET & NO Coda]δ is attested in other languages such as Italian or Dutch (Tranel & del Gobbo 2000). Therefore, LC is necessary for the analysis of some morphological puzzles.
Abstract
The paper presents an OT-based analysis of Korean nominal suffixes and argues that the so-called local conjunction (LC), which is a conjoined constraint consisting of two independent constraints, is necessary to account for some morphological puzzle. More specifically, in Korean, epenthesis is phonologically enforced to drive the different allomorphs of some nominal suffixes (e.g., accusative suffixes [ɨl] and [lɨl]). However, this does not hold for all other nominal suffixes (e.g. locative suffix [e], which do not have any allomorphs. Under the current OT framework, the epenthetic behavior of Korean nominal morphology cannot provide the consistent language-specific ranking between faithfulness (e.g., DEP-IO) and markedness constraints (e.g., ONSET, NO CODA). In order to solve this ranking conflict of the constraints, I propose here a locally conjoined (i.e., LC) constraint, [ONSET & NO Coda]δ. The LC can solve the morphological puzzle well without assuming a highly complicated constraint. In addition, I further discuss the theoretical and empirical properties of the proposed LC. The suggested LC, [ONSET & NO Coda]δ, is strictly restricted to a local domain (i.e., a syllable boundary). This is on a par with the universal condition of LC. Furthermore, [ONSET & NO Coda]δ is attested in other languages such as Italian or Dutch (Tranel & del Gobbo 2000). Therefore, LC is necessary for the analysis of some morphological puzzles.
참고문헌 (22)
- Alderete,J, "Dissimilation as Local Conjunction", In Proceeding of the North East Linguistic Society, 27, pp.17~32 (1997)
- "Conjoined Constraints and Phonological Acquisition. Retrieved from ROA 533" (2002)[URL]
- Crowhurst, M, "Boolean Operations and Constraint Interactions in Optimality Theory. in Retrieved from ROA 229", http:, roa.rutgers.edu., pp.1998, ~
- Del Gobbo,F, "An OT account of the distribution of articles in Italian", Linguistic Notes from La Jolla, 20, pp.1~18 (1999)
- Fukazawa, H, "Restricting Conjunction to Constraint Families", In Precedings of Western Conference on Linguistics, 9, pp.102~117 (1997)
- Inkelas,S, "The Consequence of Optimization for Underspecification", NELS, 24, pp.287~302 (1994)
- Ito, J, "On the sources of opacity in OT: Coda process in German. Ms., University of California, Santa Cruz. Retrieved from[ROA347", http:, roa.rutgers.edu, pp.1999, ~
- Kager,R, "Optimality Theory" (1999), Cambridge University Press
- Kirchner,R, "Synchronic chain shifts in Optimality Theory", Linguistic Inquiry, 27, pp.341~350 (1996)
- McCarthy,J, "Process Specific Constraints in Optimality Theory", Linguistic Inquiry, 28, pp.231~251 (1997)
- McCarthy,J, "Prosodic Morphology. in The Handbook of Phonological Theory" (1995), Blackwell
- McCarthy, J, "Generalized Alignment. Retrieved from ROA 7", http:, roa.rutgers.edu, pp.1993, ~
- Morton, E, "Typological Consequences of Local Constraint Conjunction. Retrieved from ROA 525", http:, roa.rutgers.edu, pp.2002, ~
- Prince, A. S, "Optimality Theory: Constraints Interaction in Generative Grammar. Rutgers University and University of Colorado, Boulder", Technical report no. 2, Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science, ~ (1993)
- Russell,K, "Optimality Theory and Morphology. in Optimalty Theory: An Overview" (1997), Blackwell Pubublishers
- Schmidt,D, "Syllable Contact in Korean", In Linguistic Analysis, 25, pp.3~20 (1995)
- "Optimality and Economy of Expression in Japanese and Korean. ms. Stanford University. Retrieved from ROA 164" (1996)[URL]
- Smolensky,P, "On the Internal Structure of the Constraint Component CON of UG", Handout of talk given at University of Arizona, March, ~ (1995)
- "Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Retrieved from ROA 537" (1997)[URL]
- Sohn,H.S, "Underspecification in Korean Phonology", 박사, pp.1987
- Tak,J.Y, "Issues in Korean Consonantal Phonology", 박사, pp.1997
- Tranel, B, "Local Conjunction in Italian and French Phonology. In Romance Phonology and Variation", Selected Papers from the 30th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Gainesville, Florida (2000), John Benjamins