Sluicing? It's Just One of Copular Constructions
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Abstract
This paper provides a cross-examination of Cleft and Sluicing constructions in Korean. In particular I claim that Cleft construction is not the direct source for deriving Sluicing construction. Instead, two constructions are only indirectly related in that they share the same base structure, which is the copula-accompanying full kes-clause. I claim that the two constructions diverge due to the differences in the derivation involved. Despite the similarities between the two constructions in sharing the base structure, some contrasts are expected to arise due to the derivational differences and the organization of the grammar assumed. In particular, I show that contrasts with regard to the occurrence of Nom/Acc Case markers before the copula and the multiple sluiced or clefted elements follow from the derivational differences involved. Also I suggest that speaker variations with regard to Nom/Acc Case markers before the copula in Cleft and Sluicing constructions arise from the status of the relevant morphological constraint as a preference condition.
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