러시아어 명사의 강세 연구
A Study of Accentual Properties in the Russian Substantive
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This paper discusses some aspects of Russian substantival accentology. Two accentual features that lexemes possess are made distinct, which are lexical-accent and inflectional-accent features. This paper tries to show that some inflectional-accent features are dependent to some extent to lexical-accent features with respect to their distribution. In particular, the lexical-accent feature of stem-stressedness in II-feminine nouns excludes the inflectional-accent feature of stress-mobility, while the lexical accent feature of stem-unstressedness in I-masculine nouns productively excludes the inflectional-accent feature of stress-mobility. Another important point made in this paper is that certain innovational variation in II-feminine nouns has restricted domain. More specifically, monosyllabic stems with case-indexing mobility do show innovational variation, where the very case-indexing mobility is substituted with number-indexing mobility, whereas more-than-two syllabic stems with case-indexing mobility never show such an innovational variation. This finding is shown to be explained by the difference in synchronic accentual pattern between case-indexing mobility and number-indexing mobility.
Abstract
This paper discusses some aspects of Russian substantival accentology. Two accentual features that lexemes possess are made distinct, which are lexical-accent and inflectional-accent features. This paper tries to show that some inflectional-accent features are dependent to some extent to lexical-accent features with respect to their distribution. In particular, the lexical-accent feature of stem-stressedness in II-feminine nouns excludes the inflectional-accent feature of stress-mobility, while the lexical accent feature of stem-unstressedness in I-masculine nouns productively excludes the inflectional-accent feature of stress-mobility. Another important point made in this paper is that certain innovational variation in II-feminine nouns has restricted domain. More specifically, monosyllabic stems with case-indexing mobility do show innovational variation, where the very case-indexing mobility is substituted with number-indexing mobility, whereas more-than-two syllabic stems with case-indexing mobility never show such an innovational variation. This finding is shown to be explained by the difference in synchronic accentual pattern between case-indexing mobility and number-indexing mobility.
참고문헌 (14)
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