러시아어 명사 곡용의 통시적 추이: 접사패턴의 동기화
A Study on the Historical Development of Russian Substantival Declensions: Motivation of Affixal Patterns in Distribution
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Abstract
This paper argues that the primary factor innovating the distribution of affixal patterns (traditionally called “declensional patterns/types”) shown in inflecting languages is whether they have motivated lexical classes (traditionally called “declensional classes”). In order to prove this claim, affixal patterns in the history of Russian are compared and analyzed. In Old Russian, the U-stem affixal pattern is substantially differentiated from the O-stem (Neutral) affixal pattern in affixal constituency and other morphological aspects. However, after the phonological change of jer-shift, their respective distributional domains are not distinguished from each other in any way; both take masculine nouns with NomSg desinence -ъ. There are no exclusive lexical properties that would separate the two classes, which means that their distributions are completely arbitrarily determined. It is this non-motivation or arbitrariness of distributional domains that forces the U-stem affixal pattern to undergo elimination from the OR substantival morphology. The current article further claims that the unification of affixal patterns in the plural inflection is motivated primarily by the morphophonemic non-distinction (and ensuing non-distinction of Gender, i.e., masculine vs. feminine) between the NomPl desinences. This results in a separation of the plural inflection from the singular inflection, where Gender is an essential factor for the distinction of affixal patterns.
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