미국의 신보수주의 외교이념과 민주주의: 현실주의와 도덕철학의 한 결합양식
The American Neoconservatism and Democracy: A Peculiar Case of Marriage between Realism and a Moral Philosophy
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이 글은 신보수주의의 1세대와 2세대 사이의 단절이 아닌 연속성에 주목한다. 그 둘은 논리적 수사(修辭)에서 단절을 보인다. 민주세계주의의 논리가 대표적인 것이다. 그러나 그 두다른 세대는 적어도 두가지의 실체적인 내용으로 연속성을 구성하며, 바로 그렇기에 논리적 수사의 일정한 간격에도 불구하고 신보수주의로서의 이념적 동질성을 유지한다. 첫째, 세계정치와 외교, 그리고 민주주의의 문제에 대한권력정치적·지정학적 현실주의 세계관이 그 중추를 이룬다. 둘째, 미국 외교의 성공여부를 결정하는 것은 외교 그 자체가 아닌 미국 내부의 도덕적 이념논쟁의 승부라는 신념이다. 독재와의 연대이든 전쟁이든, 권력정치 외교를정당화하는 도덕철학의 구축은 그 신념에 따른 핵심과제다. 그 도덕철학의 중심이 곧 민주주의담론이다. 탈냉전기 2세대 신보수주의의 민주주의담론은 민주세계주의의 형태를 취하긴했으나, 공산권 해체과정의 현실정치와 긴밀히 연관되면서 부침하였다. 동구권의 해체와 유럽으로의 통합과정이 일단락되면서 2세대 신보수주의의 민주세계주의 논리는 현실적 적실성을 상실해갔다. 1990년대 후반 신보수주의는 재부흥기를 맞는다. 그것은 민주세계주의의 부활을 뜻하지 않았다. 중동에서의 지정학적인 전략적·경제적 이익, 그리고 중국 등에 대한 지정학적 경계의식을 중심으로, 신보수주의 1세대의 핵심이었던 권력정치적 현실주의로의 회귀를 내포했다. 민주세계주의 담론의 주변화(周邊化)를 대가로 2세대 신보수주의는 1990년대 후반 미국 보수이념 안에서 적실성을 회복하고 재발흥했다. 이같은 취지의 연장선에서 2세대 신보수주의가 레이건독트린과 갖고 있는 연속성을 또한 포착하고자 했다.
Abstract
This essay tries to identify and highlight more continuity than discontinuity between the earlier generation of neoconservatives and its more recent proponents. In terms of rhetorics and terminology, the second-generation of neocons shows a significant difference from their predecessors. The cause of "democratic globalism" is at the center of controversy in defining the nature of the new brand of neoconservatism. Despite the apparent discontinuity in its rhetoric, argues this essay, at least two substantial elements remain intact, comprizing the defining characteristics of the neoconservative movement: One is an essentially power-political realism with regard to the issues of the nature of the world politics, diplomacy, and democracy, and the other is the belief that any successful foreign policy of the United States in this world depends ultimately not on the diplomacy itself but on the internal ideological warfare over its morality. Establishing a moral philosophy that ensures effective justification of realist U.S. policies abroad, whether it be alliance with dictatorships or controversial war-fighting, is the key to waging a successful moral warfare inside the nation. For all the generations of the neocons, the core of that moral philosophy has been a pattern of discourse that puts conspicuous emphasis on "democracy." The democratic discourse of the second generation neocons, which took the form of democratic globalism, flourished in the early 1990s and diminished since then, closely reflecting the initially noisy process of disintegration of the former Soviet bloc countries in Eastern Europe. Once the process of their democratization and integration into the greater Europe was practically complete, the democratic globalist discourse lost its political relevance and the momentum as the moral force of reinvigorating the neoconservative movement. In the late 1990s, however, when the neoconservatism entered a new phase of revival, it didn't mean the return of the democratic globalism to the center stage of the movement. A set of fundamentally geopolitical strategic and economic interests and a geopolitical concern over China constituted the soul of the newly revived neoconservative discourse. This also meant that the democratic discourse among the neocons since the late 1990s remained essentially instrumentalist, rather than substantial, being invoked and serving as the rationale for justification of a series of unpopular wars especially since 9/11. The second-generation neoconservatism was revived and became powerful in the last several years only at the price of marginalizing the democratic globalist discourse. In focusing on the continuity within the neoconservative movement of the old and new, this essay also tried to highlight the characteristic similarity between the second-generation neoconservative rhetorics and the Reagan doctrine.
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