A Processing Account for the Island Effects of Wh-in-Situ Questions
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According to the processing approach, island effects arise when the processing load for handling a sentence with a long-distance dependency gets too heavy. The goal of this paper is to reexamine the island effects of wh-in-situ questions from the perspective of processing. As for the absence of strong island effects, I suggest that it is expected considering that these questions require no filler-gap assignment, the main source of processing load for questions with overt wh-movement. Concerning the variations in wh-island effects, I suggest that they can be explained if we recognize the fact that wh-in-situ questions violating the Wh-island Constraint are similar to garden path sentences in that they involve reprocessing. To be more specific, my claim is that wh-in-situ questions which show wh-island effects are the cases where reprocessing should involve PF as well as syntax and semantics, while those which show no or very weak wh-island effects are the ones where reprocessing is confined to syntax and semantics.
Abstract
According to the processing approach, island effects arise when the processing load for handling a sentence with a long-distance dependency gets too heavy. The goal of this paper is to reexamine the island effects of wh-in-situ questions from the perspective of processing. As for the absence of strong island effects, I suggest that it is expected considering that these questions require no filler-gap assignment, the main source of processing load for questions with overt wh-movement. Concerning the variations in wh-island effects, I suggest that they can be explained if we recognize the fact that wh-in-situ questions violating the Wh-island Constraint are similar to garden path sentences in that they involve reprocessing. To be more specific, my claim is that wh-in-situ questions which show wh-island effects are the cases where reprocessing should involve PF as well as syntax and semantics, while those which show no or very weak wh-island effects are the ones where reprocessing is confined to syntax and semantics.
참고문헌 (39)
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