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Phonological Alternations in Suppletive Allomorphs of Korean Noun Particles
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Lee, Sechang. 2015. Phonological Alternations in Suppletive Allomorphs of Korean Noun Particles. Korean Journal of Linguistics 40.3, 475-492. This paper aims to provide a unified explanation of Korean allomorph alternations when particles are attached to nouns. Lee(2008, 2010) takes a default position that a phonologically simple allomorph is preferred when phonological markedness constraints are not crucial in selecting the optimal output. His expansion of this line of argument led to the adoption of Local Conjunction, which is known to undermine strict domination, a core principle of OT. Evidently, there is something going on here that must be remedied. I take a basic position that a phonologically more complex allomorph is preferred, exactly the opposite of what Lee claims. I also propose a revised version of the Onset Constraint in the sense of Prince and Smolensky(1993). I claim that the unmarked status of a linguistic form should be captured in the process of syllabification and create a couple of new constraints. I argue that the new constraint is more inclusive than the old one in the overall scope of application, proving that the Local Conjunction is an unnecessary apparatus. In a nutshell, the central advantage of a solution of allomorph alternations along these lines is that it enables us to maintain a single ranking of constraints, dispensing with any additional stipulations, which is a basic tenet of standard OT. (Sookmyung Women’s University)
Abstract
Lee, Sechang. 2015. Phonological Alternations in Suppletive Allomorphs of Korean Noun Particles. Korean Journal of Linguistics 40.3, 475-492. This paper aims to provide a unified explanation of Korean allomorph alternations when particles are attached to nouns. Lee(2008, 2010) takes a default position that a phonologically simple allomorph is preferred when phonological markedness constraints are not crucial in selecting the optimal output. His expansion of this line of argument led to the adoption of Local Conjunction, which is known to undermine strict domination, a core principle of OT. Evidently, there is something going on here that must be remedied. I take a basic position that a phonologically more complex allomorph is preferred, exactly the opposite of what Lee claims. I also propose a revised version of the Onset Constraint in the sense of Prince and Smolensky(1993). I claim that the unmarked status of a linguistic form should be captured in the process of syllabification and create a couple of new constraints. I argue that the new constraint is more inclusive than the old one in the overall scope of application, proving that the Local Conjunction is an unnecessary apparatus. In a nutshell, the central advantage of a solution of allomorph alternations along these lines is that it enables us to maintain a single ranking of constraints, dispensing with any additional stipulations, which is a basic tenet of standard OT. (Sookmyung Women’s University)
참고문헌 (17)
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