Experimental Revisiting of the Double Relative Clauses in Korean
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초록
This study revisits the claim that the well-formed Double Relative Clauses(DRCs) in Korean are derived from well-formed double nominative constructions (DNCs) by employing empirical research. Through a series of acceptability judgment tasks, we first confirm that typically unmarked forms are generally more acceptable than marked ones. Similar to the general pattern of markedness sentences, basic forms of DRCs without well-formed DNC counterparts were more acceptable than DRCs and DRCs were not, at least, deemed unacceptable. DRCs with DNC counterparts, however, exhibited higher acceptability than the DNCs. In addition, topic constructions, another potential source of DRCs, showed higher acceptability than DNCs. In Experiment 2, a closer examination of the acceptability of various DNC types revealed that they were consistently less acceptable than alternative forms, such as topic constructions and relative clauses. Our study challenges the traditional view of DNCs as foundational structures for DRCs and call for further investigation into the derivational origins of DRCs to better understand their underlying structure.
Abstract
This study revisits the claim that the well-formed Double Relative Clauses(DRCs) in Korean are derived from well-formed double nominative constructions (DNCs) by employing empirical research. Through a series of acceptability judgment tasks, we first confirm that typically unmarked forms are generally more acceptable than marked ones. Similar to the general pattern of markedness sentences, basic forms of DRCs without well-formed DNC counterparts were more acceptable than DRCs and DRCs were not, at least, deemed unacceptable. DRCs with DNC counterparts, however, exhibited higher acceptability than the DNCs. In addition, topic constructions, another potential source of DRCs, showed higher acceptability than DNCs. In Experiment 2, a closer examination of the acceptability of various DNC types revealed that they were consistently less acceptable than alternative forms, such as topic constructions and relative clauses. Our study challenges the traditional view of DNCs as foundational structures for DRCs and call for further investigation into the derivational origins of DRCs to better understand their underlying structure.
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