척도 함의를 갖는 양화구 menos de n의 도출적 구조
The Derivational Structure of the Spanish Quantifier Phrase menos de n with Scalar Implicature
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In this paper, we attempt to show the syntactic properties of the Spanish quantifier phrase with scalar implicature [menos de n(cardinal number)]. Real Academia Española(2014) describes that the element menos of the expression menos de comes from the Latin minus and functions as a type of comparative adjective and also as a type of comparative adverb. In spite of this description, this element menos does not show any syntactic property of comparative construction in a sentence like ‘Carlos tomó menos de tres cervezas.’ because the complement tres cervezas cannot be a target of comparison in a proper comparative construction. Hackl(2000), Nouwen(2010) and others argue that in a expression like menos de tres cervezas, menos de tres is a quantificational determiner with scalar implicature and takes the NP cervezas as argument. We will try to show that the construction [menos de n] appears in the Specifier of Quantifier Phrase as a Degree Phrase. We suggest that this derivational configuration has no relation with the comparative construction and its configurational property explains the reason why the construction [menos de n] functions as a numeral modifier with scalar implicature.
Abstract
In this paper, we attempt to show the syntactic properties of the Spanish quantifier phrase with scalar implicature [menos de n(cardinal number)]. Real Academia Española(2014) describes that the element menos of the expression menos de comes from the Latin minus and functions as a type of comparative adjective and also as a type of comparative adverb. In spite of this description, this element menos does not show any syntactic property of comparative construction in a sentence like ‘Carlos tomó menos de tres cervezas.’ because the complement tres cervezas cannot be a target of comparison in a proper comparative construction. Hackl(2000), Nouwen(2010) and others argue that in a expression like menos de tres cervezas, menos de tres is a quantificational determiner with scalar implicature and takes the NP cervezas as argument. We will try to show that the construction [menos de n] appears in the Specifier of Quantifier Phrase as a Degree Phrase. We suggest that this derivational configuration has no relation with the comparative construction and its configurational property explains the reason why the construction [menos de n] functions as a numeral modifier with scalar implicature.
참고문헌 (33)
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