표준 중국어 중첩 현상에서 성조 변화 유형에 관한 최적성 이론적 분석

Abstract

This paper applies Optimality Theory (OT) to the field of Tone-change types of re-duplication in Standard Chinese, so as to make the study more scientific and promising. Standard Chinese has several types of re-duplication. Kinship nouns reduplicate without their Tone, producing a phonologically Toneless reduplicant. Classifiers reduplicate with Tones intact. Adjectives reduplicate with a fixed high Tone on the second half of the reduplicant. In OT treatments of re-duplication, base-reduplicant identity is produced by faithfulness constraints relating the base to the reduplicant, such an Max-BR. Max-BR(Tone) is a B-R faithfulness constraint that requires all Tones in the base to be present in the reduplicant. When base material is not copied, this is attributed to markedness dominating Max-BR(Tone). When base material is copied, Max-BR(Tone) dominates markedness. In both cases high-ranked input-output faithfulness, Max-IO(Tone), ensures the survival of the input Tones on the base syllable. The first two types of re-duplication will thus need construction-specific constraint rankings, with *Tone ≫ Max-BR(Tone) for the Toneless verbal reduplication, and Max-BR(Tone) ≫ *Tone for Tone-copying re-duplication with classifiers. The third type of re-duplication, for adjectives, is presumably like the first since the re-duplication has lost the base Tones, but with the addition of a H-Toned suffix. Compared with previous analyses based on prosodic templates, the alternative analysis can be re-explained through the framework of OT as a few major constraints and their rankings show the adequacy of the analysis.