What Scrambling Tells us about Wh-Islands in Japanese
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This paper deals with two questions regarding scrambling across a wh-island. One is whether scrambling is sensitive to this island and if so, why. Contrary to the standard claim, I argue that scrambling shows sensitivity to this island, based on the fact that a quantified phrase scrambled across a wh-island cannot show scope reconstruction. This is attributed to a violation of Minimize chain links, proposed by Chomsky and Lasnik (1993), which dictates that a given application of Move cannot skip a possible landing site. The other question is whether Takahashi (1993) is right in claiming that a wh-phrase scrambled across a wh-island must take matrix scope. I argue that in such a case, the embedded scope reading is in principle possible, and that the apparently forced matrix wh-scope reading is due to the referential property of the scrambled wh-phrase.
Abstract
This paper deals with two questions regarding scrambling across a wh-island. One is whether scrambling is sensitive to this island and if so, why. Contrary to the standard claim, I argue that scrambling shows sensitivity to this island, based on the fact that a quantified phrase scrambled across a wh-island cannot show scope reconstruction. This is attributed to a violation of Minimize chain links, proposed by Chomsky and Lasnik (1993), which dictates that a given application of Move cannot skip a possible landing site. The other question is whether Takahashi (1993) is right in claiming that a wh-phrase scrambled across a wh-island must take matrix scope. I argue that in such a case, the embedded scope reading is in principle possible, and that the apparently forced matrix wh-scope reading is due to the referential property of the scrambled wh-phrase.
참고문헌 (26)
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