Can VP Ellipsis Put Aside the Verb?
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This paper argues for the null object account against the VP ellipsis account for Korean coordinate structures containing a null object. Otani and Whitman (1991), drawing on Huang (1988), proposes the relevant Japanese/Korean coordinate structure should be taken as a case of "null VP in disguise" on the assumption that the verb is raised out of the VP. When most of the arguments in support of verb raising are scrutinized one by one, they turned out not to be maintained. Moreover, the availability of a sloppy reading is not a definitive diagnostic of VP ellipsis. It is empirically proven that the alleged Korean VP ellipsis does not really fit in with the English VP ellipsis. When the English VP ellipsis yields a sloppy reading, the alleged Korean one does not. In the opposite way, when the English VP ellipsis does not allow for a sloppy reading, the putative Korean one does. The Korean sentences and the English sentences under consideration are not syntactically comparable, but they are structurally different. The relevant coordinate sentences in Korean do not result from VP ellipsis, but they simply have a null object in the ellipsis site.
Abstract
This paper argues for the null object account against the VP ellipsis account for Korean coordinate structures containing a null object. Otani and Whitman (1991), drawing on Huang (1988), proposes the relevant Japanese/Korean coordinate structure should be taken as a case of "null VP in disguise" on the assumption that the verb is raised out of the VP. When most of the arguments in support of verb raising are scrutinized one by one, they turned out not to be maintained. Moreover, the availability of a sloppy reading is not a definitive diagnostic of VP ellipsis. It is empirically proven that the alleged Korean VP ellipsis does not really fit in with the English VP ellipsis. When the English VP ellipsis yields a sloppy reading, the alleged Korean one does not. In the opposite way, when the English VP ellipsis does not allow for a sloppy reading, the putative Korean one does. The Korean sentences and the English sentences under consideration are not syntactically comparable, but they are structurally different. The relevant coordinate sentences in Korean do not result from VP ellipsis, but they simply have a null object in the ellipsis site.
참고문헌 (21)
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