주자의 『자치통감강목』의 「凡例」와 화서학파의 『송원화동사합편강목』의 「書法」 비교
A Comparison of the Historiographical Method of “Zizhi Tongjian Gangmu" and “Songwonhwadongsa Habpyeon Gangmok"
0
조회
0
다운로드
9
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
This thesis compared the historiographical method(書法, information for writing method) of Zizhi tongjiangangmu(Outline and Digest of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government - hereafter Gangmu) written by Chuja(朱子, Zhu Xi 朱熹, 1130~1200) and Songwonhwadongsa-habpyeon Gangmok(宋元華東史合編綱目 hereafter Hwadonggangmok, 華東綱目) written by disciples of Hwaseo(華西 Lee Hwang-No 李恒老, 1792-1868). The conclusion of this reserch are as follows:1. Chuja had thought that the Zizhi-tongjian(資治通鑑, Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government) was difficult to read and it had a problem displaying legitimate dynasty tradition(正統論). Chuja therefore invented the pattern of gang(綱 drawing rope of a fisher's net : writing meta-data, essential points, subjects written in a large font) and mu(目 meshes of the net: describing details written in a small font) to create a type of historiography. He classified the era of unification dynasty of China as a legitimate dynasty, and the other division era of China as a illegitimate dynasty. The emperor era name of the legitimate dynasty was written in red large font, on the other hand, other dynasties was written in black small font. In result, the book had highly readable typography. By this criteria Chuja defined the main 19 topics and sub-topics that should be written in the gang and mok. The main 19 topics were about the Legitimate Succession of Dynasty(統系), a 60-year cycle Chinese calendar system(干支) - this should be written above the top line, meaning the heavenly way has to be respected - and Chinese Emperor Era name(年號)[歲年], naming a emperor and king(名號), accessing the throne(卽位), renewing an emperor’s era name(改元), respect naming the emperor's parents and appointing the crown prince(尊立), death and funeral(崩葬), traitors(簒賊), dethrone and sending into exile by subordination(廢徙), religious service(祭祀), round of inspection(行幸), favour(恩澤), a morning rally(朝會), dub(封拜), subjugation(征伐), dethrone and sending into exile by one's superior(廢黜), dismiss from office(罷免), nominate(人事), natural damage from a calamity(災異). The main features of historiography of gangmu style emphasized the legitimate dynasty(正統論), ‘praise and blame’(褒貶), the ideology of Revere the China and expel the barbarians, i.e. the foreigners(尊華攘夷), and suppressing traitors(討亂賊). 2. The thought of Choson Chunghwa Ideology under the banner of the Righteousness of Chunchu(春秋義理) by Song Siyeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689) had gradually taken shape since the Second Manchu invasion of Choson(1636, 丙子胡亂). Lee Hwang-No, with the increasingly intensive western impact into Chosun intended to preserve and revive the Confucianism by compilating historical material and correcting the Sokgangmok(續綱目). He regarded Weon(元) as barbarians and treated as Illegitimate Dynasty and combined the history of Koryo with it. For this purpose Hwadong Gangmok was compiled, which followed the historiography of the existed Sokgangmok(續綱目) and Yeosajegang(麗史提綱). But in the course of correcting it, Lee Hwang-No, Kim Pyeong-muk(金平默, 1819~1891), and Yu Jung-gyo(柳重敎, 1832-1893) also emphasized the ideology of revere the China and expel the foreigners(尊華攘夷) and to suppress traitors(討亂賊). 3. The historiographical method(Seobub, 書法) of Hwadong Gangmok written by Yu Jung-gyo largely followed the historiographical method(Bumrai, 凡例) of Gangmu written by Chuja. Yu Jung-gyo dealt with the same 19 topics and sub-topics that was written in ‘Bumrai’ but discussed it in terms of historical documents or events in the history of Song(宋), Kum(金), Weon(元) and Korea(高麗). 4. By these works Hwaseo school regarded themselves as the successor of Gongja, Chuja and Song Siyeol. All these reflect the influences of Chunchu, Gangmok and Song Siyeol's the Righteousness of Chunchu on Hwaseo school. Hwaseo school believed in preservation and development of Confucianism and its revival from Choson situated at the east of China according to the Yijing(易經, or Zhouyi 周易)'s world view that the east had been a symbol of Spring.
Abstract
This thesis compared the historiographical method(書法, information for writing method) of Zizhi tongjiangangmu(Outline and Digest of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government - hereafter Gangmu) written by Chuja(朱子, Zhu Xi 朱熹, 1130~1200) and Songwonhwadongsa-habpyeon Gangmok(宋元華東史合編綱目 hereafter Hwadonggangmok, 華東綱目) written by disciples of Hwaseo(華西 Lee Hwang-No 李恒老, 1792-1868). The conclusion of this reserch are as follows:1. Chuja had thought that the Zizhi-tongjian(資治通鑑, Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government) was difficult to read and it had a problem displaying legitimate dynasty tradition(正統論). Chuja therefore invented the pattern of gang(綱 drawing rope of a fisher's net : writing meta-data, essential points, subjects written in a large font) and mu(目 meshes of the net: describing details written in a small font) to create a type of historiography. He classified the era of unification dynasty of China as a legitimate dynasty, and the other division era of China as a illegitimate dynasty. The emperor era name of the legitimate dynasty was written in red large font, on the other hand, other dynasties was written in black small font. In result, the book had highly readable typography. By this criteria Chuja defined the main 19 topics and sub-topics that should be written in the gang and mok. The main 19 topics were about the Legitimate Succession of Dynasty(統系), a 60-year cycle Chinese calendar system(干支) - this should be written above the top line, meaning the heavenly way has to be respected - and Chinese Emperor Era name(年號)[歲年], naming a emperor and king(名號), accessing the throne(卽位), renewing an emperor’s era name(改元), respect naming the emperor's parents and appointing the crown prince(尊立), death and funeral(崩葬), traitors(簒賊), dethrone and sending into exile by subordination(廢徙), religious service(祭祀), round of inspection(行幸), favour(恩澤), a morning rally(朝會), dub(封拜), subjugation(征伐), dethrone and sending into exile by one's superior(廢黜), dismiss from office(罷免), nominate(人事), natural damage from a calamity(災異). The main features of historiography of gangmu style emphasized the legitimate dynasty(正統論), ‘praise and blame’(褒貶), the ideology of Revere the China and expel the barbarians, i.e. the foreigners(尊華攘夷), and suppressing traitors(討亂賊). 2. The thought of Choson Chunghwa Ideology under the banner of the Righteousness of Chunchu(春秋義理) by Song Siyeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689) had gradually taken shape since the Second Manchu invasion of Choson(1636, 丙子胡亂). Lee Hwang-No, with the increasingly intensive western impact into Chosun intended to preserve and revive the Confucianism by compilating historical material and correcting the Sokgangmok(續綱目). He regarded Weon(元) as barbarians and treated as Illegitimate Dynasty and combined the history of Koryo with it. For this purpose Hwadong Gangmok was compiled, which followed the historiography of the existed Sokgangmok(續綱目) and Yeosajegang(麗史提綱). But in the course of correcting it, Lee Hwang-No, Kim Pyeong-muk(金平默, 1819~1891), and Yu Jung-gyo(柳重敎, 1832-1893) also emphasized the ideology of revere the China and expel the foreigners(尊華攘夷) and to suppress traitors(討亂賊). 3. The historiographical method(Seobub, 書法) of Hwadong Gangmok written by Yu Jung-gyo largely followed the historiographical method(Bumrai, 凡例) of Gangmu written by Chuja. Yu Jung-gyo dealt with the same 19 topics and sub-topics that was written in ‘Bumrai’ but discussed it in terms of historical documents or events in the history of Song(宋), Kum(金), Weon(元) and Korea(高麗). 4. By these works Hwaseo school regarded themselves as the successor of Gongja, Chuja and Song Siyeol. All these reflect the influences of Chunchu, Gangmok and Song Siyeol's the Righteousness of Chunchu on Hwaseo school. Hwaseo school believed in preservation and development of Confucianism and its revival from Choson situated at the east of China according to the Yijing(易經, or Zhouyi 周易)'s world view that the east had been a symbol of Spring.
참고문헌 (55)
- 국사편찬위원회, "한국사론 6-한국사의 의식과 서술-", 국사편찬위원회, ~ (1979)
- 김경수, "조선시대의 사관연구" (1998), 국학자료원
- 김남일, "고려말 조선초기의 세계관과 역사의식" (2005), 경인문화사
- 민두기, "중국의 역사인식 상·하" (1985), 창작과 비평사
- 박인호, "조선후기 역사지리학 연구" (1996), 이회문화사
- 변태섭, "고려사의 연구" (1982), 삼영사
- 燕永成, "南宋史學研究" (2007), 甘肅人民出版社
- 오영섭, "화서학파의 사상과 민족운동4" (1999), 국학자료원
- 오항녕, "한국 사관제도 성립사 연구", 한국연구원, ~ (2003)
- 이우성, "한국의 역사인식 상·하" (1976), 창작과 비평사
- 정구복, "한국 고대사학사" (2008), 경인문화사
- 정구복, "한국중세사학사" (1999), 집문당
- 정구복, "한국중세사학사" (2002), 경인문화사
- 정구복, "한국근세사학사 - 조선중·후기편" (2008), 경인문화사
- 정옥자, "조선후기 조선중화사상연구" (1998), 일지사
- 조동걸, "한국의 역사가와 역사학" (1994), 창작과 비평사
- 조성을, "조선후기 사학사연구" (2004), 한울
- 한국사연구회, "한국사학사의 연구" (1985), 을유문화사
- 한영우, "고려전기사학사연구" (1981), 서울대출판부
- 한영우, "조선후기 사학사연구" (1989), 일지사
- 허태용, "조선후기 중화론과 역사인식" (2009), 아카넷
- "자치통감", ~
- "자치통감강목", ~
- "송원화동사합편강목", ~
- "속강목", ~
- "여사제강", ~
- "화서선생문집", ~
- "중암선생문집", ~
- "성재선생문집", ~
- 權重達, "資治通鑑對中韓學術之影響" (1979), 國立政治大學中國文學硏究所 學位論文
- 김경수, "『麗史提綱』의 史學史的 考察", 韓國史學史學報, 1(1), pp.69~114 (2000), 한국사학사학회
- 김경수, ""華西學派의 歷史認識" in: 제천의병의 이념적 기반과 전개" (2002), 이회
- 김남일, "정도전의 역사의식 -공양왕 3년의 상소ㆍ상서문을 중심으로-", 韓國史學史學報, (15), pp.89~129 (2007), 한국사학사학회
- 김일환, "資治通鑑과 資治通鑑綱目이 朝鮮 初期 歷史學에 미친 影響-世宗朝를 중심으로-", 弘益史學, 5 (1993)
- 김형종, ""春秋와 춘추필법" in: 중국의 역사인식" (1985), 창작과 비평사
- 박인호, ""송원화동사합편강목 편찬과 편사정신" in: 宋元華東史合編綱目" (2003), 奈堤文化硏究會
- 박인호, "?송원화동사합편강목?에 나타난 화서학파의 역사인식", 조선시대사학보, (27), pp.171~210 (2003), 조선시대사학회
- 박인호, "『여사제강』 『공양왕기』의 산삭과 그 정치적 함의", 韓國史學史學報, (7), pp.5~34 (2003), 한국사학사학회
- 오영섭, "19세기 중엽 위정척사파의 역사서술-화서학파의 송원화동사합편강목", 한국학보, 60 (1990)
- 오영섭, "위정척사의 상징물 朝宗巖", 태동고전연구, 11 (1995)
- 오영섭, "華西學派와 華東綱目, 堤川義兵과 傳統文化", 堤川文化院, ~ (1998)
- 오항녕, "조선초기 경연의 자치통감강목 강의", 한국사상사학, 9 (1997)
- 오항녕, "朝鮮 世宗代 資治通鑑思政殿訓義와 資治通鑑綱目思政殿訓義의 編纂", 泰東古典硏究, 15 (1998)
- 오항녕, "朝鮮初期 高麗史改修에 관한 史學史的 검토", 泰東古典硏究, 16 (1999)
- 오항녕, "성리학적 역사관의 성립-초월에서 현실로-", 조선시대사학보, 9 (1999)
- 오항녕, "성리학 역사서의 형성과 구조", 한국실학연구, 6 (2003)
- 윤정분, "『世史正綱』과 經世", 韓國史學史學報, 9(9), pp.149~176 (2004), 한국사학사학회
- 이범학, ""宋代 사학의 義理論" in: 중국의 역사인식" (1985), 창작과 비평사
- 이범학, "'宋代 正統論의 형성과 그 내용" in: 중국의 역사인식" (1985), 창작과 비평사
- 이성배, "南宋史學에 關한 硏究-朱憙의 ‘史’意識을 中心으로", 석사, pp.1991
- 이우성, "이조후기 근기학파에 있어서의 정통론의 전개 - 역사 파악에 있어서 체계성과 현실성 -", 역사학보, 31 (1966)
- 錢穆, ""附朱子之通鑑綱目及八朝名臣言行錄" in: 朱子新學案" (1982), 三民書局
- 정구복, ""여사제강 해제" in: 국역 여사제강", 세종대왕기념사업회, ~ (1998)
- 최희재, ""朱子의 역사론" in: 중국의 역사인식" (1985), 창작과 비평사
- 한영우, ""17세기 중엽 西人 兪啓의 歷史敍述-麗史提綱" in: 조선후기 사학사연구" (1989), 일지사
