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영국의 제2차 선거법 개혁(1867)에 대한 사학사적 고찰: 개혁의 원인에서 선거권의 기준으로

A Historiographical Essay on the Second Reform Act (1867) in Britain: From Causes of the Reform to Criteria of the Franchise

홍석민
한국사학사학회 (The Korean Society of History of Historiography)|2011.06|韓國史學史學報 (The Korean Journal of History of Historiography)|제23호|pp. 179-225

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참고문헌

키워드

linguistic turn마르크스주의 역사학제2차 선거법 개혁(1867)위그 역사학노동 학파고위급 정치학파언어로의 전환정치의 자율성Second Reform Act of 1867whiggish historyMarxist historyLab our Schoolhigh politics schoolautonomy of politics
주제분류역사학

초록

영국에서 1867년에 일어난 제2차 선거법 개혁은 주로 노동귀족인 도시의 숙련공 중심의 상층 노동자들에게 선거권을 부여했다. 이 역사적 현상에 대해, 전통적인 자유주의적인 위그 역사학은 자유주의 개혁가들이 자유민주주의의 승리를 향하여 의도적인 개혁을 통해 이룩한 평화로운 진보라고 해석했다. 그러나 영국의 마르크스주의 사가들과 노동 학파 사가들 및 1950-60년대에 급성장한 너필드 학파의 선거사회학은 정치와 선거 행동이 대체로 사회경제적 요소나 인간 이성의 힘에 의해 결정된다고 보고, 2차 선거법 개혁의 시기와 형태를 결정지은 것은 산업화에 따른 계급갈등, 즉 계급정치의 결과물이었으며, 이런 정치적 변화는 산업화에 따른 사회경제적 변화를 반영한 결과물이었다고 주장했다. 그러나 1960-70년대에 발흥한 고위급 정치학파는 불완전한 인간의 이성과 그에 기초한 행동 및 추상적 추론으로는 너무나도 복잡한 사회·경제적 변화 과정과 그 안에서의 인간의 사회·정치적 행동을 이해할 수 없다고 전제했다. 대신 이 학파는 모든 정치활동은 기본적으로 정치적 원인에 의해 이루어진다고 보았기 때문에, 2차 선거법 개혁의 원인도 당연히 정치적 요인에서 찾았다. 이 학파에 의하면 이 개혁이 1866-67년이라는 시점에 도시 가구선거권이라는 형태로 귀결된 것은 오로지 자유당과 보수당 및 글래드스턴과 디즈레일리 등의 고위 정치인들 간의 개인적 이익과 당리·당략에 기초한 대결 때문이었으며, 사회·경제적 변화나 이에 따른 노동계급의 압박은 부차적인 요소였다. 고위급 정치학파의 2차 선거법 개혁의 원인과 동기에 대한 세밀한 연구는 최근까지도 이 문제에 대한 별다른 재해석의 여지를 남겨두고 있지 않다. 오히려 1980-90년대에 들어 언어로의 전환 및 정치의 자율성 같은 새로운 연구방법론들을 수용한 새로운 세대의 사가들은 선거권의 기준 형성에 주요 관심을 기울였다. 이들에게 정치는 더 이상 사회경제적 (계급) 관계의 반영물이 아니라, 언어를 통해 사회경제적 (계급) 관계를 정의하고 거기에 의미를 부여하며 나아가 그 변화까지 유발할 수 있는, 자율적인 담론 권력이었다. 따라서 이들은 1867년에 영국이 정치적 시민권, 즉 정치적 국민의 범주를 형성하면서, 계급 및 젠더와 남성성/여성성과 관련된 담론뿐 아니라, 민족(성), 국민/국가 정체성, 종교 차이, 제국/식민지, 인종 등의 범주(혹은 인간관계)와 관련된 담론을 통해서 어떤 특정 집단만을 정치적 국민의 범주 내로 수용했는지를 연구함으로써, 영국의 근대 선거권이 어떠한 억압적·차별적 방법으로 특정 집단들의 인간들을 타자로 만들면서 이 범주로부터 배제·소외시켰는지를 폭로했다. 이런 선구적인 연구 성과에도 불구하고, 아직 위의 모든 범주들을 적용한 연구 성과는 빈약한 상태이다. 이런 범주들을 단지 잉글랜드만이 아닌 전체 영국에 대해, 또 단지 영국만이 아닌 전체 영제국에 대해, 그리고 단지 2차만이 아닌 19-20세기의 모든 선거법 개혁에 대해 광범위하고 다양하게 적용한 연구 결과들이 필요하다. 그래야만 근대 선거권의 전반은 물론 1867년의 영국 정치적 시민권의 특성과 차별적 폭력성의 총체적 모습이 그려질 수 있을 것이다.

Abstract

In Britain, the Second Reform Act of 1867 extended the franchise to the labour aristocracy mainly composed of urban skilled labour. The traditional, liberal whiggish history interpreted this historical phenomenon as a conscious reform pursued by liberal reformers toward the ascendancy of liberal democracy. Meanwhile, not only British Marxist historians and those of the Labour School but also the electoral sociology developed by the Nuffield School, which flourished at Oxford University in the 1950-60s, held that political and electoral behavior was largely determined by socioeconomic forces and the dictates of human reason. These three schools, therefore, were common in the view that the timing and the final form of the Reform Act was determined by the class conflicts intrigued by the industrialization. In other words, the Act was explained to be a result of the contemporary class politics as well as a political reflection of the socioeconomic changes caused by the industrialization. However, the high politics school established at Cambridge University in the 1960-70s denied any effective and direct causal relationship between popular movements intrigued by social or industrial developments and parliamentary reform (i.e. the argument common to the three aforementioned schools), and between liberal ideology or attitudes and the impulse to reform (i.e. that of the whiggish history). The high politics school was based on ‘human imperfectibility.’ The school posited that since rational faculties were incomplete to understand complex process of development of a society, abstract reasoning cannot be a guide to measure social and political behavior. Instead, the school believed that since all political behaviors were motivated by political reasons, the cause of the Reform Act must naturally be sought in the realm of politics. The school concluded that what drove the Reform Act to take the final form of urban household suffrage particularly in the year of 1867 was the parliamentary struggle over the Act in 1866-67 among William E. Gladstone, Benjamin Disraeli, and other high-ranking politicians of the Liberal and Conservative Parties, a struggle motivated by both personal and party interests, tactics, and strategies rather than by the questions of rights, ideologies or attitudes, and moral imperatives; and both the contemporary socioeconomic changes and the agitation of the urban workingmen were at best secondary factors in bringing about the Act. The meticulous studies of the high politics school have left very little room for a reinterpretation regarding causes of the Second Reform Act. Rather, in the 1980-90s a new generation of historians who accepted such new methodologies as the ‘linguistic turn’ and the ‘autonomy of politics’ paid attention to the criteria of the franchise which were realized in the Reform Act. For the historians, politics was no longer a reflection of socioeconomic (and class) relationships; rather, it was an autonomous discursive power which, drawing on the prefigurative and creative power of language, could define and give a meaning to such relationships, even promoting their changes. Relying on these premises, the historians analyzed the discourses mobilized around the year of 1867 when Britain reconstructed the category of the political citizenship or the political nation. Dissecting the related discourses of such social categories (or relationship) as class, gender, masculinity/femininity, ethnicity, national identity, religion, empire/colony, race, etc., the historians detected how Britain included certain groups of people in the category of political nation and simultaneously excluded other groups from the category, making them the Other. In short, the historians divulged how much discriminatory and oppressive British modern political citizenship was. Despite such pioneering and advanced studies, we still have very few works which utilized all the social categories mentioned above in their studies. We need a lot more study results which applied all the social categories not only to England but also to Britain in general; not only to Britain but also to the British empire as a whole; not only to the Second Reform Act but also to all the Reform Acts of the 19th and 20th centuries. When the results are available, we will have a fuller and clearer picture of the peculiarities and discriminatory brutality of the political citizenship in modern Britain in general and in 1867 in particular.

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