Remarks on Long-distance Control in Korean: Spec TP as a Locus of A-movement
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This paper presents a movement-based analysis of control in Korean, adopting Hornstein(1999). The typical pattern of the control construction has been assumed to be confined to infinitival complements. The null subject in the infinitival complement is construed to be anaphorically dependent on the antecedent in the matrix clause. However, control in Korean is observed in CP complements as well. The issue that arises is how to license the long-distance dependency between the null subject and its antecedent crossing over CP. I show that the control dependency in Korean can be best analyzed in terms of movement in the autonomous syntax. The generalization is that control movement takes place long-distance crossing over CP regardless of finiteness of the clause. This fact is accounted for under the hypothesis that in a language without phi-agreement like Korean, the thematic subject is not raised to Spec TP, which consequently is available as an escape hatch for A-movement(Kim, 2011). The guiding idea of my analysis is that the apparent long-distance A-movement is made up of a sequence of strictly local movement. My analysis is reduced to Rizzi’s(1990) Relativized Minimality
Abstract
This paper presents a movement-based analysis of control in Korean, adopting Hornstein(1999). The typical pattern of the control construction has been assumed to be confined to infinitival complements. The null subject in the infinitival complement is construed to be anaphorically dependent on the antecedent in the matrix clause. However, control in Korean is observed in CP complements as well. The issue that arises is how to license the long-distance dependency between the null subject and its antecedent crossing over CP. I show that the control dependency in Korean can be best analyzed in terms of movement in the autonomous syntax. The generalization is that control movement takes place long-distance crossing over CP regardless of finiteness of the clause. This fact is accounted for under the hypothesis that in a language without phi-agreement like Korean, the thematic subject is not raised to Spec TP, which consequently is available as an escape hatch for A-movement(Kim, 2011). The guiding idea of my analysis is that the apparent long-distance A-movement is made up of a sequence of strictly local movement. My analysis is reduced to Rizzi’s(1990) Relativized Minimality
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