VP Coordination Analysis of Gapping Constructions in Korean
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Abstract
Korean Gapping constructions are examined in this paper, following Johnson (1994, 2003) and López and Winkler (2003). Based on the observation that the Korean honorific si appears in the second conjunct only, it is argued that the operation AGREE takes place in the second conjunct while the ATB movement occurs out of both conjuncts. The first conjunct is accordingly analyzed as the vP conjunct where si never appears. It is claimed that Nominative Case in the gapped conjunct is a default case. The CSC violation does not occur in Korean Gapping due to the weak EPP features which do not raise the subject to the Spec, TP. The negation scope and NPI facts are discussed to show that Gapping is the vP/NegP coordination rather than the CP coordination. The binding facts are argued for the vP coordination analysis against Sohn (2001). The residue of Gapping constructions including wh-phrases and topicalized phrases is analyzed to provide evidence for the vP coordination.
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